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To add to your post, it was the jew, Franz Boas that started the "no race" myth. Sparks and Jantz re-analyzed Boas work -The New Immigrants, Head Shapes, and the Melting Pot: Franz Boas vs. Scientific Racism” and found that he falsified his data. Jantz stated the following:


"was intent on showing that the scientific racism of the day had no basis, but he did have to shade his data some to make it come out that way."


This implies that Boas knew before his research began what conclusion he wanted to draw. The ramifications are profound and suggest his work was not science, but a fraud. Because of his widely circulated study, cranial phrenology was greatly extirpated. The concept of race was made ambiguous and philosophies such as relativism grew out of Boas’s anthropological philosophies. The study of racial differences such as craniometrics has been all been silenced because it was called “racist.”  Dr. David Thomas corroborates this by stating, “I have used Boas's study to fight what I guess could be considered racist approaches to anthropology. "I have to say I am shocked at the findings.”


All of the "cultural relativism" disciples including Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedict, and Ashley Montagu are being investigated for fraudulent science. The author, Derek Freeman has found that Margaret Mead was "hoaxed" by her Somoan informants when researching the sexual lifves of Somoans in her book - “Coming of Age in Samoa.”  Freeman reveals her Samoan informants duped her on their sexual behavior, but also, above all else, she wanted to reach a conclusion pleasing to her project supervisor, Franz Boas (p. 14). There’s no doubt she adhered to Boasian culturalism all her life. In 1978, Mead stated:

"I helped create the current paradigm, and I'm one of the few people who understands how it works. As long as that paradigm is working I am needed and I cannot die. I will die only when a newer paradigm comes along that I don't understand.” (Houston, Jean, “A Mythic Life,” 1996, p. 247)

Those are pretty strong-minded words. There’s no doubt she was vainglorious to this fraud throughout her life and never once thought about investigating her informants. Had she understood Samoan culture, she would have known "it is customary for Samoans ... to resort to joking behavior ... when interrogated about sexual behavior" and this led to her catastrophic misconstruction on Mar. 13, 1926 (p.14). Her work influenced millions and directly led to the sexual revolution in the 1960’s and empowered militant lesbianism. In my research, I revealed the associated consequences of lesbian-feminism power to males in the workplace and the traditional family.( )

The "no race" is a stupid myth. Anyone believing this is no better than Margaret Mead, who was BS'ed by a bunch of Somoans about their sexual conquests. The writing is on the wall for these lies.




Anthropology Afoul of the Facts
Margaret Mead's Flights of Fancy in Samoa

Benjamin Wiker
National Catholic Register
May 19, 2002
In 1928, Margaret Mead published Coming of Age in Samoa. An immediate
success, this slender volume established Mead as the most famous and
most influential anthropologist of the 20th century. For nearly half
a century, whether writing scholarly articles from her desk at the
American Museum of Natural History in New York or pontificating as
contributing editor of the popular magazine Redbook, Mead helped to
refashion attitudes on nearly every social issue. In 1979, a year
after her death, Mead was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal
of Freedom. Few women have been more adored, more honored and more
influential than she.

If Mead's influence were for the good, then she would deserve the
profuse praise she received. The truth about Mead, however, points
elsewhere. Coming of Age in Samoa, perhaps more than any other work,
helped to convince the intelligentsia of the West that the only
natural expression of sexuality was casual sexuality. Even more
distressing, Mead's work in Samoa, which allegedly established the
naturalness of casual sex, was a work of fraud and fiction, merely a
projection of Mead's own sexual beliefs.

Science--or Shenanigans?

Mead portrayed Samoa, a small island in the South Pacific, as a
sexual paradise, free from all the oppressive restrictions of
sexuality burdening the west. According to Mead, "Romantic love as it
occurs in our civilization, inextricably bound up with ideas of
monogamy, exclusiveness, jealously and undeviating fidelity does not
occur in Samoa."
Perhaps Mead's most famous picture of this sexual paradise was that
of the casual lovers rendezvousing "under the palm trees." In her
famous description of "A Day in Samoa," she painted the following
tantalizing scene: "As the dawn begins to fall among the soft brown
roofs and the slender palm trees stand out against a colourless,
gleaming sea, lovers slip home from trysts beneath the palm trees or
in the shadow of beached canoes, that the light may find each sleeper
in his appointed place."

As one might have guessed, according to Mead, Samoans took marriage
lightly. "If .a wife really tires of her husband, or a husband of his
wife," she wrote, "divorce is a simple and informal matter, the non-
resident simply going home to his or her family, and the relationship
is said to have `passed away.'" Mead's Samoans had quick and easy no-
fault divorce in place long before the backward West caught on.

The "only dissenters," according to Mead, "are the [Christian]
missionaries." But Mead's Samoans happily ignore them, so that the
missionaries' "protests are considered unimportant." Even though
missionaries had "introduced a moral premium on chastity,"
the "Samoans regard this attitude with reverent but complete
skepticism and the concept of celibacy is absolutely meaningless to
them." Indeed, Mead claimed that although Samoans had been Christians
since the 1840s, the Christianity they actually accepted was "gently
remoulded" by being filtered through the carefree and casual attitude
of Samoan life, so that "its sterner tenets" were blunted, resulting
in a liberalized form of Christianity "without the doctrine of
original sin."

Mead ended her study of the Samoans by stating the underlying goal
which had animated the entire work, a call for release from the moral
strictures of a society still formed by Christianity. "At the present
time," she claimed, "we live in a period of transition," still,
unfortunately, believing "that only one standard can be the right
one." The sexual revolution must begin in the home. "The children
must be taught how to think, not what to think. And because old
errors die slowly, they must be taught tolerance, just as today they
are taught intolerance. They must be taught that many ways are open
to them, no one sanctioned above its alternative."

Research as Romantic Fiction

Perhaps the most intriguing aspect of this chapter of popular
scholarship, looking back on it, is that, despite its aura of
scientific authority, Mead's influential account of Samoa as a
sexual "paradise" was almost completely false. Yet it was not until
1983 that the myth of Mead was exploded.

The blow was delivered by Derek Freeman's Margaret Mead and Samoa:
The Making and Unmaking of an Anthropological Myth. Freeman, an
anthropologist and professor at the Australian National University
for 40 years, showed step by step that nearly every assertion made by
Mead in Coming of Age was either completely false or severely
distorted. "The main conclusions of Coming of Age in Samoa are, in
reality, the figments of an anthropological myth which is deeply at
variance with the facts of Samoan ethnography and history," Freeman

As it turns out, Mead completely misrepresented Samoan sexual
attitudes and practices both before and after Christianity. Rather
than being a society built on promiscuity, the entire civilization
was actually built on the veneration of virginity, a devotion that
Christianity only intensified.

For Samoans, there were no women more esteemed than the ceremonial
virgins (called taupous), whose virginity at the time of marriage was
so important that Samoans had an elaborate pre-marital, public ritual
to determine virginity.

Furthermore, as Freeman shows, this regard for virginity was not
confined to the upper classes from which the taupous came, but
permeated the entire society, down to the lower levels--the levels
Mead claimed were sexually the freest. Casual sexual liaisons under
the palm tree, rather than being smiled upon, were (when they
actually did occur) "recognized by all concerned as shameful
departures from the well-defined ideal of chastity." Finally,
contrary to Mead, marital exclusivity was taken with the utmost
seriousness by the Samoans. Adultery was punished by beating,
mutilation or even death.

As for Mead's assertions that the Samoans paid only "the slightest
attention to religion," this claim contradicted the actual, fervently
religious nature of the Samoans both before and after
Christianization. According to Freeman, pre-Christian Samoans were
devoted polytheists, with very intricate and elaborate religious
beliefs and rites. After being converted by missionaries in the mid-
19th century, they became "almost fanatical in their practice and
observance of Christianity."

Also, in complete contradiction to Mead's claim that the Samoans were
guilt-free, and that they quickly dispatched with Christian notions
of original sin, Samoans themselves informed Freeman
that "sinfulness, or agasala (literally, behavior in contravention of
some divine or chiefly ruling and so deserving of punishment), is a
basic Samoan concept antedating the arrival of Christianity, and,
further, that the doctrine of original sin contained in Scripture is
something with which, as converts to Christianity, they have long
been familiar."

In regard to Mead's fantasy-images of casual sex, Christianity only
elevated the Samoan regard for sexual purity, the result being
that "fornication is strictly forbidden to all church members and any
suspicion of indulgence in this `sin' results in expulsion from the
church." In short, as Freeman concludes, it should "be apparent that
Samoa, where the cult of female virginity is probably carried to a
greater extreme than in any other culture known to anthropology, was
scarcely the place to situate a paradise of adolescent free love."

How could Mead get it so wrong? Simply put, it appears her desire to
eliminate restrictions upon her own sexuality determined her
conclusions about that of the Samoans. For Mead, science was a form
of autobiography, as is clear from her own life. She was married and
divorced three times, apparently with the ease which she falsely
claimed was characteristic of the Samoans; she engaged in numerous
affairs with the same casualness of the fictional youth slipping off
to the palm trees at dusk; and she was also bisexual as were the
Samoans in her fantasy work Coming of Age.

How ironic that Margaret Mead's anthropological myth, masquerading as
science, could help to bring about a real sexual revolution, leading
the west not only to casual sex and casual divorce, but the scourge
of abortion. Such are the ways of the culture of death.

Ben Wiker teaches philosophy of science at Franciscan University of
Steubenville (Ohio).

Discovery Institute is a non-profit, non-partisan, public policy
think tank headquartered in Seattle dealing with national and
international affairs. The Institute is dedicated to exploring and
promoting public policies that advance representative democracy, free
enterprise and individual liberty. For more information e-mail or browse Discovery's website at

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