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GEORGE WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive
government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually
arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is
to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially
as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I
should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed to decline being
considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this
resolution has not been taken without strict regard to all the
considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to
his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in
my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your
future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness,
but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of and continuance hitherto in the office to which your
suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination
to the opinion of duty and to a deference to what appeared to be your
desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power,
consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard to return
to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of
my inclination to do this previous to the last election had even led to the
preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the
then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations and
the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to
abandon the idea. I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as
well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible
with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever
partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present
circumstances of our country you will not disapprove my determination to
retire.

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were
explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust I will only
say that I have, with good intentions, contributed toward the organization
and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very
fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the
inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still
more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of
myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and
more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be
welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my
services they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while
choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does
not forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career
of my political life my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep
acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country
for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast
confidence with which it has supported me, and for the opportunities I have
thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faithful
and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have
resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to
your praise and as an instructive example in our annals that under
circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were
liable to mislead; amidst appearances sometimes dubious; vicissitudes of
fortune often discouraging; in situations in which not unfrequently want of
success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your
support was the essential prop of the efforts and guaranty of the plans by
which they were effected.

Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave
as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the
choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection
may be perpetual; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your
hands may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every
department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the
happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may
be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this
blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the
applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a
stranger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which can
not end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that
solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present to offer to your solemn
contemplation and to recommend to your frequent review some sentiments which
are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and
which appears to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a
people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom as you can only
see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly
have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget as an
encouragement to it your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former
and not dissimilar occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no
recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to
you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real
independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad,
of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly
prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from
different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to
weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in
your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external
enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and
insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly
estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and
individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and
immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it
as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its
preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest
even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly
frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of
our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link
together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by
birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate
your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national
capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any
appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of
difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political
principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together. The
independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and
joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your
sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to
your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding
motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the
equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter
great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and
precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same
intercourse, benefiting by the same agency of the North, sees its
agriculture grow and its commerce expand, Turning partly into its own
channels the sea men of the North, it finds its particular navigation
invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and
increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to
the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted.
The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the
progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water will
more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from
abroad or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies
requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater
consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable
outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future
maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an
indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which
the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own
separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any
foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and
particular interest in union, all the parts combined can not fail to find in
the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource,
proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent
interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and what is of inestimable
value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars
between themselves which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not
tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone
would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances,
attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter. Hence, likewise,
they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments
which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which
are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this
sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your
liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the
preservation of the other.

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and
virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object
of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can
embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere
speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a
proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments
for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the
experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful
and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while
experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will
always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may
endeavor to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union it occurs as matter
of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for
characterizing the parties by geographical discriminations - Northern and
Southern, Atlantic and Western - whence designing men may endeavor to excite
a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One
of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts
is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot
shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which
spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each
other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.

The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on
this head. They have seen in the negotiation by the executive and in the
unanimous ratification by the Senate of the treaty with Spain, and in the
universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a
decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a
policy in the general government and in the Atlantic states unfriendly to
their interests in regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to
the formation of 2 treaties - that with Great Britain and that with Spain -
which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign
relations toward confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to
rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they
were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such
there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with
aliens?

To the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is
indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an
adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions and
interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of
this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay by the
adoption of a Constitution of government better calculated than your former
for an intimate union and for the efficacious management of your common
concerns. This government, the off-spring of our own choice, uninfluenced
and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation,
completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers,
uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for
its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support.
Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its
measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty.

The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to
alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any
time exists til changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people
is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of
the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual
to obey the established government.

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and
associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to
direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of
the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle
and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction; to give it an
artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated
will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and
enterprising minority of the community, and, according to the alternate
triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror
of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction rather than the
organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common counsels and
modified by mutual interests.

However combinations or associations of the above description may now and
then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things
to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men
will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for
themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines
which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

Toward the preservation of your government and the permanency of your
present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily
discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also
that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles,
however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the
forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the
system, and thus to undermine what can not be directly overthrown. In all
the changes to which you may be invited remember that time and habit are at
least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other
human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test
the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; the facility in
changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual
change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember
especially that for the efficient management of your common interests in a
country so extensive as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent
with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will
find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted,
its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name where the
government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine
each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to
maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of persons
and property.

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with
particular reference to the founding of them on geographical
discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in
the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party
generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root
in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different
shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed;
but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is
truly their worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the
spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and
countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful
despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent
despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the
minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an
individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more
able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the
purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless
ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs
of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a
wise people to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public
administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and
false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments
occasional riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and
corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through
the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country
are subjected to the policy and will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon
the administration of the government, and serve to keep live the spirit of
liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of
monarchical cast patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor,
upon the spirit of party, but in those of the popular character, in
governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their
natural tendency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit
for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the
effort ought to be by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A
fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its
bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country
should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration to confirm
themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding the
exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The
spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the
departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a
real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse
it which predominates in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy us of the
truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise
of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different
depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against
invasions by others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern,
some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be
as necessary as to institute them. If in the opinion of the people the
distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any
particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the
Constitution designates, but let there be no change by usurpation; for
though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the
customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must
always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient
benefit which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity,
religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man
claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great
pillars of human happiness - these firmest props of the duties of men and
citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect
and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with
private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security
for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation
desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of
justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can
be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of
refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both
forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of
religious principle.

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of
popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every
species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with
indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote,
then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general
diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives
force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be
enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit.
One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding
occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely
disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater
disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not
only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of
peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not
ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to
bear.

The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it is
necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the
performance of their duty it is essential that you should practically bear
in mind that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have
revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more
or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment
inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a
choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid
construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit
of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public
exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and
harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct, and can it be
that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free,
enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation to give to mankind the
magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted
justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things
the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which
might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not
connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The
experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human
nature. Alas! Is it rendered impossible by its vices?

In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that
permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate
attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just
and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. The nation which
indulges toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in
some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection,
either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its
interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily
to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to
be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute
occur.

Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The
nation prompted by ill will and resentment sometimes impels to war the
government contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government
sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through
passion what reason would reject. At other times it makes the animosity of
the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride,
ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often,
sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.

So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a
variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the
illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common
interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays
the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter
without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions
to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly
to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with
what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a
disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are
withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who
devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice
the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with
popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation,
a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public
good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or
infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are
particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How
many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to
practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or
awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak toward a
great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the
latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to
believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be
constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence
is one of the most baneful foes of republican government, but that jealousy,
to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very
influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive
partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause
those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil
and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may
resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and
odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the
people to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in
extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political
connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let
them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests which to use have none or a very
remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the
causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore,
it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the
ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combination and
collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a
different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government,
the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external
annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we
may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent
nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not
lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war,
as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to
stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any
part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European
ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion
of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for
let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing
engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private
affairs that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let
those engagements be observed in their genuine sense, but in my opinion it
is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a
respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances
for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy,
humanity, and interest, but even our commercial policy should hold an equal
and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or
preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and
diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing;
establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable
course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government
to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present
circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary and liable to be
from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall
dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look
for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of
its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by
such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given
equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude
for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or
calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which
experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate
friend I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I
could wish - that they will control the usual current of the passions or
prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the
destiny of nations, but if I may even flatter myself that they may be
productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good - that they may now
and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the
mischiefs of foriegn intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended
patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your
welfare by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the
principles which have been delineated the public records and other evidences
of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance
of my own conscience is that I have at least believed myself to be guided by
them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe my proclamation of
[1793-04-22], is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice
and by that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit
of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to
deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could
obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances
of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take
a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined as far as should depend
upon me to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is not
necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to
my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any
of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything
more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation,
in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of
peace and amity toward other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred
to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has
been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its recent
institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of
strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking,
the command of its own fortunes.

Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration I am unconscious of
intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think
it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I
fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they
may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never
cease to view them with indulgence, and that, after 45 years of my life
dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent
abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the
mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that
fervent love toward it which is so natural to a man who views in it the
native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I
anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself
to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my
fellow citizens the benign influence of good laws under a free government -
the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of
our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

 

TRAITOR McCain

jewn McCain

ASSASSIN of JFK, Patton, many other Whites

killed 264 MILLION Christians in WWII

killed 64 million Christians in Russia

holocaust denier extraordinaire--denying the Armenian holocaust

millions dead in the Middle East

tens of millions of dead Christians

LOST $1.2 TRILLION in Pentagon
spearheaded torture & sodomy of all non-jews
millions dead in Iraq

42 dead, mass murderer Goldman LOVED by jews

serial killer of 13 Christians

the REAL terrorists--not a single one is an Arab

serial killers are all jews

framed Christians for anti-semitism, got caught
left 350 firemen behind to die in WTC

legally insane debarred lawyer CENSORED free speech

mother of all fnazis, certified mentally ill

10,000 Whites DEAD from one jew LIE

moser HATED by jews: he followed the law

f.ck Jesus--from a "news" person!!

1000 fold the child of perdition

 

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Modified Saturday, March 11, 2017

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