Parts 37 through 42
By Willie Martin

Jew Watch

Vipers - Part 37

        Revelations From the Diary of Moshe Sharrett: Years after the Kibya incident, the diary of then Acting Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Moshe Sharrett was published. Sharrett had originally sanctioned a "reprisal" raid of some kind, but he changed his mind and tried to abort a major raid. But the ruthless clique then headed by Ben-Gurion ignored Sharrett's reservations. Sharrett's diary entries disclose: "I told Lavon that this (attack) will be a grave error, and recalled, citing various precedents, that it was never proved that reprisal actions serve their declared purpose. Lavon smiled...and kept to his own idea...Ben Gurion, he said, didn't share my view. (10/14/53)

        According to the first news from the other side, thirty houses have been demolished in one village. This reprisal is unprecedented in its dimensions and in the offensive power used. I walked up and down in my room, helpless and utterly depressed by my feelings of impotence...I was simply horrified by the description in Radio Ramallah's broadcast of the destruction of the Arab village. Tens of houses have been razed to the soil and tens of people killed. I can imagine the storm that will break out tomorrow in the Arab and Western capitals. (10/15/53)

        I must underline that when I opposed the action I dint' even remotely suspect such a bloodbath. I thought I was opposing one of those actions which have become a routine in the past. Had I even remotely suspected that such a massacre was to be held, I would have raised real hell. (10/16/53)

        (In the cabinet meeting) I condemned the Kibya affair that exposed us in front of the whole world as a gang of bloodsuckers, capable of mass massacres regardless, it seems, of whether their actions may lead to war. I warned that this stain will stick to us and will not be washed away for many years to come." (10/18/53) (Livia Rockach, Israel's Sacred Terrorism (Belmong, Mass.: Association of Arab American University Graduates Press, 1986), pp. 13-14)

        October 14-15, 1953: Under the command of Ariel Sharon, Israeli squads attacked the unarmed Arab village of Qibya in the demilitarized one. Where they blew up 42 houses and killed more than sixty residents who were trapped inside. The details were so gruesome that the U.S. joined in a U.N. condemnation of the Israeli action, and for the first and only time, suspended aid to Israel in reprisal.

        July 1954: Israeli intelligence planted "a ring of spies (Moles)" in Cairo, its task was to begin sabotage operations against selected Egyptian, British and American targets...On July 14, the Alexandria post office was fire-bombed and the U.S. Information Agency offices in Cairo and Alexandria were damaged by fire started by phosphorous incendiary devices, as was a British-owned theater. Members of the spy ring were caught, and they confessed. They had been planted by Modin, the Israeli military intelligence organization. The purpose, presumably, was to sabotage Egyptian relations with the U.S. and Britain. Various commissions of inquiry into the affair conducted in Israel were never able to decide whether or not Israeli Defense Minister Pinchon Lavon authorized the operation.

        1956: Squads of Israeli soldiers committed a hideous atrocity in the Palestinian village of Kafr Qasim, forty-seven innocent people were shot down in cold blood. The careful and premeditated mass murders, never received great attention in the West. Although the Israeli courts convicted eight soldiers of murder, they were all released within two years of their trial, and within three years one of them who had been convicted of killing forty-three Arabs in an hour, was engaged by the municipality of Ramleh as the "officer responsible for Arab affairs in the city." In October 1956 Israel, backed by England and France, attacked Egypt to gain control of the Suez Canal. Taking advantage of the situation created by Egypt's decision of nationalization of the Suez Canal, Israel joined forces with Britain and France to invade Egypt. As a result, it occupied the Sinai Peninsula, seized the Gaza Strip, and Sharm Al sheikh which guarded the Strait of Tiran and the entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba. a year letter it withdrew reluctantly under the combined pressure of the U.N., U.S.A. and the Soviet Union.

There was no military necessity for this destruction; it was sheer vengeance against Arab Christians. This action created another 300,000 Arab refugees, thus making a total refugee population of Christian and Muslin Arabs, which is larger than the combined populations of Montana, Nevada and Wyoming. It was during this campaign that the Israeli's attacked the U.S.S. Liberty with the death of 34 of its number. If this had been an Egyptian or a Russian attack, American would have been at war, but the Jewish vote of America silenced any American criticisms of this action. Americans are also not told that Israel has always refused to obey any mandate of the United Nations. Resolutions affirmed by vote every year since 1948 recognize the right of the return of Palestinian refugees, but Israel always refuses to obey. Israel has been condemned over and over again for breaking the charter and now fulfilling the conditions upon which she was allowed to become a member!

        1956: The Massacre of Kafr Kassim. The aftermath of Kibya was a continued, and still continuing, Zionist policy of perpetrating massacres to serve the political purpose of the Zionist clique. In 1956, they joined in a conspiracy with the British and French to invade Egypt. The conspiracy to commit aggressive war was accompanied by atrocities against innocent civilians. Although the defenseless Arab population in Zionist-occupied Palestine posed no military threat to the Zionist Defense Forces, the Zionists feared the emotional arousal that would inevitably accompany their waging of a new, aggressive war. They decided to instill total fear in the hearts of the helpless Palestinian Arab communities, and selected the peaceful village of Kafr Kassim to perpetrate a cold-blooded massacre. Fifty one men, women and children were murdered on October 29, 1953, by the Frontier Guard force. According to the precedents established by the International War Crimes Tribunals, not only the Zionist Frontier Force personnel involved were guilty of this heinous war crime, but also the officials who gave them orders to impose rigid curfews without simultaneously insuring that noncombatants were unharmed.

Because the Kafr Kassim Massacre took place during a time of war, the then Chief of Staff, General Moshe Dayan, and the then Chief of Operations of the IDF, General Meir Amit, had direct command responsibility for the actions of the Zionist Frontier Force.

Beneath them, Israeli court records disclose, command responsibility was also held by the Commander of the IDF Central Area, Major General Zvi Tsur; Frontier Guard commander Brigadier Yehishkar Shadmi; and the Commander of the unit perpetrating the massacre, Major Shmuel Melinki; Lieutenant Dahan, Sergeant Shalom Ofer, Private Makhlouf Hreish, Private Eliahu Abraham, Corporal Gabriel Olial, Private Albert Fahimi and Private Edmond Nahmani. They should all have been hanged for their roles in the massacre in the same way German Generals such as Keitel and Jodl were hanged for their failures to prevent massacres in commands under their responsibility. The Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion was culpable under international law because it was his responsibility to establish rules for maintaining order in territory under his control This responsibility was also directly borne by his personal delegate in the Defense Ministry, the then Director General of the Ministry of Defense, Shimon Peres. Peres cannot plead ignorance to what was taking place at Kafr Kassim; it was his duty to be informed of possible war crimes and to proven their occurrence.

The following is a detailed account of the horrible massacre of Kafr Kassim as told by eyewitnesses. The Israeli daily, "Kol Haam" came out on Wednesday, December 19, carrying on its front page the following detailed story of the Kafr Kassim massacre which was committed by the Israeli army on October 29, 1956, against the Arabs in occupied Palestine and in which 49 people; men, women and children were slaughtered in cold blood. "Kol Haam" published the story of the massacre under the title, "In This Way Were the 49 Inhabitants of kafr Kassim Slaughtered." The following is a literal translation: "Here are the details of the massacre in which 49 of the peaceful inhabitants of Kafr Kassim; all Arabs living in Israel were slaughtered in cold blood. Another thirteen of these inhabitants also sustained serious injuries in this horrible massacre committed by the troops of the Israeli frontier guards.

        On October 29, 1956, the day on which Israel launched its assault on Egypt, units of the Israeli frontier guards started at 4 p.m. what they called a tour of the Triangle Villages. They informed the Mukhtars and the rural councils that the curfew in those villages was from that day onwards to be observed from 5 p.m. instead of 6 p.m. as was the case before, and that the inhabitants were, therefore, requested to say home as from that very instant. One of the villages the frontier guards passed through was Kafr Kassim. This is a small Arab village situated near the Israeli settlement of Betah Tefka. The villagers there received the alert at 4:45 p.m. only 15 minutes before the new curfew time. The 'Mukhtar' of Kafr Kassim promptly informed the unit officer that a large number of the villagers, whose work took the outside the village, knew nothing of this new curfew. The officer in charge replied that his soldiers would take care of these. The villagers who were home complied with the newly-imposed curfew and remained indoors. Meanwhile, the armed frontier guards posted themselves at the village gates. Before long, the first batch of villagers came into sight. The first to arrive was a group of four laborers, home-bound, on bicycles. Here is what one of these laborers, Abdullah Samir Bedir by name, said about the incident:

        'We reached the village entrance at about 4:55 p.m. We were suddenly confronted by a frontier unit consisting of 12 men and an officer, all occupying an army truck. We greeted the officer in Hebrew saying 'Shalom Katsin' which means 'Peace be unto you officer,' to which he gave no reply. He then asked us in Arabic: 'Are you happy?' and we said 'Yes.' The soldiers started stepping down fromt he truck and the officer ordered us to line up. Then he shouted to his soldiers this order: 'Laktasour Otem,' which means 'Reap them!' The soldiers opened fire, but by then I flung myself on the ground, and started rolling, yelling as I rolled over. Then I feigned death. Meanwhile, the soldiers had so riddled the bodies of my three friends with bullets that the officer in charge ordered them to cease firing, adding that the bullets were merely being wasted. As he put it, we had more than the necessary dose of those deadly bullets.

        All this occurred while I lay very still, feigning death. Then I saw three laborers approaching on a small horse cart. The soldiers stopped the cart and killed all three of them. Soon after, the soldiers moved a few yards down the road, apparently to take up positions that would enable them to stop a new truckload of home-bound villagers, as well as a bunch of workers returning home on their bicycles. I seized this opportunity and moved as quickly as I could to the nearest house. The soldiers saw me and opened fire, but I was already in safety.

        One of the trucks used for transporting farm produce was again stopped while carrying thirteen olive pickers, all women and girls, and two male laborers and the driver. They were attacked by the same group of frontier guards, who pitilessly butchers all but one of them.'

        This is what 16-year-old Hanna Soliman Amer, the only survivor, said about this incident: 'The soldiers brought our car to a halt at the entrance of the village and ordered the two workers and the driver to step down. Then they told them they were going to be killed. On hearing that the women started crying and screaming, begging the soldiers to spare those poor workers' lives. But the soldiers shouted at the women, saying that their turn was coming and that they, too, were going to be killed.

        The soldiers stared at the women for a few moments, as if waiting for their officer to give the order. Then I heard the officer talk over the wireless set, apparently asking his headquarters for instructions regarding the women. The minute the wireless conversation was over, the soldiers took aim at the women and girls, who were 13 in number, and who included pregnant one (Fatma Dawoud Sarsour was in her eighth month of pregnancy) as well as an old woman of sixty and two thirteen-year old girls (Latifa Eissa and Rashika Bedair).'

        The number of cars stopped by the Israeli soldiers of the frontier guards was three; the people in all three cares were ordered to descend and were shot by machine- gun fire, killing them instantly.

        A fourth car, which was a little late in coming, met with better luck, for the driver, seeing the bodies scattered around didn't heed the order to stop. He pressed the accelerator and thus managed to escape with his car. The soldiers, however, succeeded in shooting one of the passengers as the car sped by.

        With the massacre practically over, the soldiers moved around finishing off whoever still had a pulse beating in him. Later on, the examination of these bodies showed that the soldiers had mutilated them, smashing the heads and cutting open the abdomens of some of the wounded women to finish them off. The only survivors were those who for some time lay buried under the corpses of their comrades and thus had their bodies covered with the blood of these victims, giving the impression that they, too, were dead. Those were the only ones who lived to speak of the horrors of the massacre of Kafr Kassim.

        The massacre lasted for an hour and a half and the soldiers looted whatever they could find, apparently while going round the bodies doing their finishing-off job. However, thirteen of those wretched people only fainted when they were shot at. These were taken to Bilinson as well as to other hospitals.

        One of those wounded was Osman Selim, who was traveling on one of the trucks. He witnessed the massacre, and escaped by pretending to be dead among the pile of corpses. Asaad Selim, a cyclist, was seriously injured. So was Abdel Rahman Yacoub Sarsoura, a youth aged 16, who is deaf and dumb. The only one who managed to escape death and reach Kroum El-Zeitoun is Ismail Akab Badeera, aged 18, who nursed his wounds until he got there, then climbing up an olive tree despite his suffering. He remained there for two whole days until a passing shepherd came along and carried him to a hospital where one of his legs had to be amputated for gangrene.

        The blood bath was not restricted to the entrance or outskirts, but was carried right into the village itself. Talal Shaker Eissa, aged 8, left his home to bring in a flock of goats. He had hardly stepped out of his home when he was murdered by a shot fired by one of the soldiers. When his father ran out to investigate, he was killed by another shot. The mother, dragging in his body, was then shot. Noura, the remaining child, followed the cries of agony coming from her parents, and was killed on the spot by a hail of bullets. The only survivor of the family, a frail and aged grandfather, hearing the horror and the souls of death, succumbed to a heart attack and died.

        The next day, 31 October, 1956, a curfew was imposed on the village of Kafr Kassim, and during that time, the Israeli police brought over some of the villagers form neighboring Galgoulia and ordered them to bury the corpses, which included fathers, mothers, sons and daughters. Among these were Safa Abdalla Sarsour, a woman aged 45, Osman Abdalla Eissa was killed with his son Fathi aged 12; and Zeinab Abdel Rahman Taha and her daugher Bikria, aged 17." (Kol Haam, December 19, 1956, p. 1)

        Details of the Massacre as Reported by Dr. Sabri Jiryis from the Records of the District Court in Israel, File No. 3/57, Israeli Newspapers, and records of the Knesset: "The massacre was carried out by the Frontier Guard, which had been formed in the early 1950's to protect Israel's borders. A description of the events at Kafr Kassim follows, as recorded by the Israeli military court:

        'On the eve of the Sinai War...a battalion attached to the Central Area Command was ordered to prepare itself to defend a section of the Israeli-Jordanian frontier. (with this end in view)...a unit of the Frontier Guard was attached to the said battalion and the commander of this Frontier Guard unit, Major Shmuel Milinki, was placed under the orders of the battalion commander. Brigadier Yshishkar Shadmi. In the morning of 29 October 1956, the Commander of the Central Area, Major General Zvi Tsur informed Brigadier Shadmi and the other battalion commanders, of the policy it had been decided to adopt toward the Arab population.

        The area commander went on to emphasize to the battalion commanders that the safeguarding of the operation in the south (the Suez campaign) required that the area coterminous with Jordan be kept absolutely quiet...Brigadier Shadmi requested that he be empowered to impose a night curfew in the villages of the minorities in the area under his command in order to: (a) facilitate the movements of his forces, and (b) prevent the population being exposed to injury by the reverse troops. These arguments convinced the area commander, who empowered Brigadier Shadmi to impose a curfew...

        On the same day Brigadier Shadmi summoned Major Melinki to his headquarters, informed him of the duties of the unit under his command, and gave him instructions about the execution of these duties. One of the duties of this Frontier Guard unit was to impose the the villages of Kafr Kassim, Kfar Barra, Jaljulya, Tira, Tayba, Qalansuwa, Bir al Sikka, and Ibtin during the night. The two commanders agreed that the curfew would be enforced between 5 p.m. and 6 a.m.

        The battalion commander (Shadmi) also told the unit commander (Melinki) that the curfew must be extremely strict and that strong measures must be taken to enforce it. It would not be enough to arrest those who broke it; they must be shot. In explanation he said, 'A dead man' (or according to other evidence ' few dead men') is better than the complications of detention.

        When Melinki asked what was to happen to a man returning from his work outside the village, without knowing about the curfew, who might well meet the Frontier Guard units at the entrance to the village, Shadmi replied: 'I don't want any sentimentality' and 'That's just too bad for him.' Shadmi gave his orders to Melinki verbally, while they were alone, and Melinki wrote the following words in his diary during the interview: 'Curfew imposed from evening till morning (1700-0600). Strict policy.' (Judgments of the District Courts of Israel 17, pp. 99-101, Military Attorney General v. Major Melinki et al, File 3/57, District Court of Israel Defense Army, Central Command, as cited in Sabri Jiryis. The Arabs in Israel (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1976), pp. 140-141)

        Similarly, the order drafted by Melinki and handed to the reserve forces attached to his group, shortly before the curfew was imposed, contained the following words under the heading 'Method': 'No inhabitant shall be allowed to leave his home during the curfew. Anyone leaving his home shall be shot; there shall be no arrests. (Judgments of the District Courts of Israel 17, p. 101 (Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel, p. 141))

        Armed with these instructions, Major Melinki returned to his headquarters, where with the help of his officers, he prepared a series of orders for his forces. During this meeting, 'He informed the assembled officers that the war had begun, that their units were now under the command of the Israeli Army, and that their task was to impose the curfew in the minority villages from 1700 to 0600, after informing the mukhtars to this effect at 16:30. With regard to the observation of the curfew, Melinki emphasized that it was forbidden to harm inhabitants who stayed in their homes, but that anyone found outside his home (or, according to other witnesses, anyone leaving his home, or anyone breaking the curfew) should be shot dead. He added that there were to be no arrests, and that if a number of people were killed in the night (according to other witnesses: it was desirable that a number of people be killed as) this would facilitate the imposition of the curfew during succeeding nights...

Vipers - Part 38

        While he was outlining this series of orders, Major Melinki allowed the officers to ask him questions. Lieutenant Frankenthal asked him, 'What do we do with the dead?' (or, according to other witnesses 'with the wounded.') Arieh Menches, a section leader, then asked, 'What about the women and children?' to which Melinki replied, 'No sentimentality' (according to another witness, 'They are to be treated like anyone else; the curfew covers them too.'). Menches then asked a second question: 'What about people returning from their work? Here Alexandroni tried to intervene but Melinki silenced him and answered: 'They are to be treated like anyone else' (according to another witness, he added, 'It will be just too bad for them, as the commander said.') (Judgments of the District Courts of Israel 17, pp. 99-101, Military Attorney General v. Major Melinki et al, File 3/57, District Court of Israel Defense Army, Central Command, as cited in Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel, p. 142))

        In the minutes of the meeting, which were taken down and signed by Melinki a short time after he signed the orders, the following appears: 'As from today, at 1700 hours, curfew shall be imposed in the minority villages until 0600 hours, and all who disobey this order shall be shot dead.' (Judgments of the District Courts of Israel 17, p. 102, Military Attorney General v. Major Melinki et al, File 3/57, District Court of Israel Defense Army, Central Command, as cited in Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel, p. 142) After this psychological preparation, and the instruction given to the policemen-soldiers to 'shoot to kill all who broke the curfew,' the unit went out to the village of Kafr Kassim to start its work. There Lieutenant Gabriel Dahan divided his unit into sections of three or four men each (including their leader) armed with submachine guns, rifles, and automatic rifles, and posted each section in a place overlooking one of the quarters of the village, at the entrance to the village, and at its end. He made the leaders of each section responsible for the enforcement of the curfew and authorized them to shoot according to his pervious instructions, which he repeated.

        On the same day at 16:30 hours, a Frontier Guard sergeant informed the mkhtar of the village that a curfew was to be imposed from 5 p.m. to 6 a.m. the following morning and warned him that it would be strictly enforced and would involve danger of death, telling him to inform the village. The mukhtar, Wadi Ahmad Sarsur, informed the sergeant that there were four hundred villagers who worked outside the village, some of them in the neighborhood or in nearby places, while the remainder were in more distant places like Petah, Tikvah, Lydda, Jaffa and elsewhere, so that he could not inform them all of the curfew in time. After an argument the sergeant promised the mukhtar that he would let all men returning from work pass on his own responsibility and that of the government. The mudhtar, assisted by his relations, announced the imposition of the curfew in the center and to the north and the south of the village, saying that everyone inside the village must enter his home before 5 p.m. (Judgments of the District Courts of Israel 17, p. 104, Military Attorney General v. Major Melinki et al, File 3/57, District Court of Israel Defense Army, Central Command, as cited in Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel, p. 142-143)

        In other words, the curfew, of which the mukhtar was informed at 4:30 p.m. came into force half an hour later when dozens of the villagers were in different places of work, so that they could not possibly know of the curfew. And a bitter fate awaited them when they returned to the village. In the first hour of the curfew, between 5 and 6 p.m., the men of the Israeli Frontier Guard killed forty-seven Arab citizens in Kafr Kassim. The killing was carried out in cold blood and for no reason. Of the forty- seven, forty-three were killed at the western entrance to the village, one in the center, and three to the north; several other villages were wounded.

        The forty-three killed at the western entrance included seven boys and girls and nine women of all ages; one sixty-six years old. Most of them were inhabitants of Kafr Kassim, returning from their work outside the village, nearly all by the main road, a few on foot, the majority on bicycles of in mule carts or lorries. In most cases the villagers were met by sections of the Frontier Guard who ordered the passengers to get down from their transport. When it was clear that they were residents of Kafr Kassim returning from their work, the order to fire was given, and shots were immediately fired at short range from automatic weapons and rifles, 'and of every group of returning workers, some were killed and others wounded; very few succeeded in escaping unhurt. The proportion of those killed increased, until, of the last group, which consisted of fourteen women, a boy and four men, all were killed except one girl, who was seriously wounded.

        The killing might have gone on like this but Dahan who had personally taken part in the killing and who had seen what was going on as he went round the village in his jeep, informed the command several times over the radio of the number killed. Opinions differ as to the figure he gave in his reports, but all agree that in his first report he said 'one less' (one killed), and in the next two reports 'fifteen less' and 'many less'; 'it is difficult to count them.' The last two reports, which followed each other in quick succession, were...passed on to Melinki who was at Jaljulya. When he was informed that there were 'fifteen less' in Kafr Kassim, Melinki gave orders, which he was unable to transmit to Dahan before the report of 'many less' arrived, for the firing to stop and for more moderate procedures to be adopted in the whole area...This order finally ended the bloodshed at Kafr Kassim. (Judgments of the District Courts of Israel 17, p. 106, Military Attorney General v. Major Melinki et al, File 3/57, District Court of Israel Defense Army, Central Command, as cited in Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel, p. 143-144)

        This is an outline of the principal events at Kafr Kassim, but the details are no less important as reported in the files of the Israeli military court: 'The first to be shot at the western entrance to the village were four quarrymen returning on bicycles from the places where they worked near Petah Tikva and Ras al Ayin. A short time after the curfew began these four workmen came round the bend in the road pushing their bicycles. When they had gone some ten to fifteen meters...they were shot from behind at close range or from the left. Two of the four were killed outright. The third was wounded in the thigh and the forearm, while the fourth, Abdullah Samir Badir, escaped by throwing himself to the ground. The bicycle of the wounded man fell on him and covered his body, and he managed to lie motionless throughout the bloody incidents that took place around him. Eventually he crawled into an olive grove and lay under an olive tree until morning. Abdullah was shot at again when he rolled from the road to the sidewalk, whereupon he sighed and pretended to be dead. After the two subsequent massacres, which took place beside him, he hid himself among a flock of sheep, whose shepherd had been killed, and escaped into the village with the flock.

        A short time after the above incident, a two-wheeled cart drawn by a male arrived at the bend. Sitting in it were Ismail Mahmud Badir...and his little daughter, aged eight, who were coming back from Petah Tikva in the cart, with three people, one of whom came from Kfar Barra, walking beside or behind the cart, carrying vegetables. One of these was a boy of fourteen, Mohammed Abdul Rahim Issa. At this moment Dahan arrived at the bend in the jeep with the mobile squad...on a tour of inspection. Dahan ordered his men to get out of the jeep...He then told Ismail to get out of the cart and stand in a row with the other two men (who had been walking beside the cart) at the side of the road. Dahan then ordered the boy Muhammed to get into the cart, and sent him off to the village with the weeping girl. Dahan ordered the three men to be shot, shooting them with the Auzi he was carrying. The three men fell under the rain of bullets and the firing continued after they had fallen. Two of them...were killed, while Ismail was seriously wounded, with several bullets in his hips and thigh; he survived only because the Frontier Guards believed him dead.

        A short time after this killing a shepherd and his twelve year old son came back from the pasture with their flock. They approached the bend...the shepherd throwing stones at sheep that had strayed to turn them back onto the road. Two or three soldiers, standing by the bend, opened fire at close range on the shepherd and his son and killed them... (Judgments of the District Courts of Israel 17, p. 108-110, Military Attorney General v. Major Melinki et al, File 3/57, District Court of Israel Defense Army, Central Command, as cited in Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel, p. 144-145)

        A man in a lorry was killed, then a four-wheeled cart carrying two men arrived at the bend. Near the bend, a soldier stopped the car, ordered the two men to get down and to stand beside it in the road...Immediately after the arrival of this cart, several groups of workers started arriving, riding bicycles with lighted lamps. The soldiers ordered them all to lay their bicycles beside the cart and stand in a row with the two men...There were thirteen men in this row, and when one of them...tried to stand at the end of the row, the soldier shouted at him: 'Dog, stand in the middle of the row.' He thereupon moved to the middle.

        When no more bicycle lamps were visible on the horizon, the same soldier asked the men standing in the row where thy came from. They all answered that they came from Kafr Kassim, whereupon the soldier took a step backwards and shouted to the soldiers lying opposite the row: 'Mow them down.' All the men in the row fell under the hail of bullets that followed, except for (one) who escaped by jumping over the wall. The soldiers continued firing at any of the fallen men who showed any signs of life. When it was clear that they were all dead, or almost so, the soldiers cleared the road of the bodies, piling them on the side of the road. Of these thirteen men, six were killed, while four were seriously injured... (Judgments of the District Courts of Israel 17, p. 111, Military Attorney General v. Major Melinki et al, File 3/57, District Court of Israel Defense Army, Central Command, as cited in Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel, p. 145-146)

        A short time after the killing of the cyclists, a lorry with its lights on approached the bend. Ten to fifteen meters before the bend it was stopped by a soldier, who ordered the driver and passengers (eighteen persons) to get out and stand in a single group to the left of the road, in front of the vehicle. The soldier then asked them where they came from, and when they said they were from Kafr Kassim, he ordered two of his men, who were lying beside the road between this group of workers and the bend, to open fire. They killed ten of the nineteen...

        (A survivor) Raja (Hamdan Daud) said in his evidence that at five o'clock, his little son Riyadh came with the boy Jamal and told him that there was a curfew in the village and that his mother had said that he must hurry home...Nineteen people got into the lorry, including the driver...and set out for the village. The people in this lorry, unlike most of the other people returning to the village, knew of the curfew, but they did not see that this prevented them from returning to the village. On the contrary...they tried to get back to their homes as soon as possible because of the curfew. Indeed, it was Raja who persuaded the driver, who had no license to carry passengers, to take them because he thought that it would be safer to go by lorry rather than on foot during the curfew. After the lorry had been stopped, and Raja and his companions got out, his little son shouted: 'Father , take me down.' This was why Raja went back and took his son down from the back of the lorry, and rejoined the group on the road.

        Raja held out his identity card to the soldier and was about to ask him why they had been detained, but at that moment the soldier gave the order to fire, and a hail of bullets mowed down the workmen. When Raja jumped over the wall, the Bren gun was fired at the wall, and this is perhaps how some of the workmen escaped. But Raja's son, Riyadh, aged eight, and his friend Jamal, aged eleven, were almost killed. (Judgments of the District Courts of Israel 17, p. 114-115, Military Attorney General v. Major Melinki et al, File 3/57, District Court of Israel Defense Army, Central Command, as cited in Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel, p. 146-147) Two more men in a lorry were killed, and then a third lorry arrived, carrying four men and fourteen women, aged twelve to sixty-six years, on their way to Kafr Kassim. The lorry went on past the bend without stopping, whereupon a soldier who was still at the site of the previous incident ran behind it shouting 'Stop!' The lorry had already passed the bend and waking for the school road; the soldier crossed the space between the two roads and again shouted 'Stop! Stop!' At the same time he called to two or three other soldiers who were standing in the space between the two roads to follow him, which they did.

        The lorry stopped in the road that passes near the school, whereupon the first soldier ordered the driver and the passengers to get out. The driver hooked the steps on tot he back of the lorry, and said to the women: 'Get out sisters, and have your identity cards ready.' The women had already seen the dead bodies of people from their village as the lorry turned the bend, and started imploring the driver in command to let them stay in the bus. But he took no notice of the identity cards or of the women's entreaties, and insisted on their getting out. As soon as the fourteen women and four men had got down from the lorry he ordered the other soldiers, who had by then joined him, to fire. They obeyed and continued firing until seventeen of the total of eighteen persons were killed. The sole survivor was a girl of fourteen, Hannah Suleiman Amer, who was seriously wounded in the head and leg and appeared to be dead...Two of the girls who were killed were twelve years old, and two others fourteen. (Judgments of the District Courts of Israel 17, p. 117-118, Military Attorney General v. Major Melinki et al, File 3/57, District Court of Israel Defense Army, Central Command, as cited in Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel, p. 147)

        The government took great pains to remove all traces of the crime in Kafr Kassim and to hide the truth from the Jewish population, despite the fact that certain circles spread news of the massacre throughout the Arab sectors, apparently to 'encourage' the Arabs to leave. A three-member committee headed by Benjamin Zohar, a district court judge in Haifa, was appointed to investigate the incident. The two other members, in whom the authorities had great confidence, were Abba Hoshi, mayor of Haifa and head of the Arab department in the ruling Mapai, and Aharon Hotar Yshay, who had once been a lawyer for the Haganah. When the committee had concluded its investigation, some ten days after the massacre, Prime Minister Ben- Gurion issued a brief press release in which he referred to the fact that some people in the Triangle had been 'injured' by the Frontier Guards and stated the government's determination to bring the matter before the courts and to pay compensation.

        This did not stop rumors about the extent of the crime from spreading. Tawfiq Tubi made his way to Kafr Kassim as soon as news of the crime reached him in order to see for himself what had happened. On his return he gave his information to Uri Avneri, the editor of the periodical 'Haolam Hazeh,' which devoted a special issue to it. The story was taken up by the press, there was a great uproar, and a wide range of Jewish groups expressed concern. The poet Nathan Alterman, a close friend of Ben- Gurion's, was moved to publish a poem censuring the deed and calling for a trial of all those responsible, with detailed disclosures of what had taken place. (Davar, December 7, 1956, cited in Jiryis, p. 148) A special session of the Knesset was held, lasting twelve minutes, during which Ben-Gurion spoke of the 'shocking incident in the villages of the Triangle,' and cited his appointment of the fact-finding committee as soon as he had heard of the event; three days after it occurred. He added that the government had paid compensation ranging between one thousand and five thousand pounds to the families of the dead, but clearly that 'no sum of money could compensate for the loss of human life.' (Knesset Debates, December 12, 1956, p. 462, cited in Jiryis, p. 148) At the end of the session, all members present stood in mourning for the dead. Following the recommendations of the committee, eleven officers and soldiers of the Frontier Guard were brought to trial for 'carrying out illegal orders.'

        'The trial was lengthy; judgment was finally given on 16 October 1958, two years after the incident. The court found Major Melinki and Lieutenant Dahan guilty of killing forty-three citizens and sentenced the former to seventeen years imprisonment and the latter to fifteen years. The third accused, Sergeant Shalom Ofer, who perpetrated most of these terrible killings, was found guilty, with Dahan, of killing forty-one citizens, and was sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment. The accused Private Makhlouf Hreish and Private Eliahu Abraham were found guilty of killing twenty-two citizens, while Corporal Gabriel Olial, Private Alber Fahimi, and Private Edmond Nahmani were found guilty of killing seventeen citizens. All these five were sentenced to eight years imprisonment and deprived of their ranks. The remaining three accused, including two young Druze volunteers, were acquitted.'

        These light sentences (premeditated murder incurs a sentence of life imprisonment or twenty years) astounded many Jews as well as Arabs and gave rise to deep fears that similar incidents might occur in the future. On the other hand, there were many in Israel who thought that the trial of the killers and even their arrest, seemed a grave injustice. They argued that these men were performing their duty and were therefore in no way responsible for their deeds. An extensive campaign for the release of the killers was launched as soon as it was known that they would be brought to trial. This was intensified after the sentencing. The Israeli press was clearly involved in the campaign.

        With two or three exceptions, the press has been party to a conspiracy of silence, throwing a veil over the incident. It wrote of condemned men instead of killers; instead of a killing or a crime in Kafr Kassim it wrote of a 'misfortune' and a 'mistake' and a 'regrettable incident.' When it mentioned the victims of the calamity, it was difficult to tell whom it meant, the dead or the killers. When the sentences were handed down, a cowardly campaign against the judge was begun... (Ner, August- October 1959, Boaz Evron; and Ha'aretz, 18 November 1959, as cited in Jiryis, pp. 148-149)

        What was remarkable about the official Israeli attitude was that various authorities made efforts to lighten the killers' sentences. An appeal was brought before the Supreme Military Court, which rendered a judgment that the sentences were harsh and should be reduced. Thus Melinki's sentence was reduced to fourteen years, Dahan's to ten years, and Ofer's to nine years. The chief of staff then proposed to reduce Melinki's sentence to ten years, Kahan and Ofer's to eight years, and the rest of the killers' to four years each. The president of the state followed suit; he granted a 'partial pardon' to Melinki and Dahan and reduced their sentences to five years each. (Knesset Debates, 10 February 1960, p. 603, Shimon Peres, deputy minister of defense, answering questions, as cited in Jiryis, p. 150) Finally it was the turn of the 'Committee for the Release of Prisoners,' which ordered the remission of a third of the prison sentences of all those convicted. Thus, the last man was released at the beginning of 1960; about three and a half years after the massacre. They reportedly did not spend the time in prison but were held in a sanatorium in Jerusalem.

        Moreover, in September 1960 the municipality of Rmle engaged Gabriel Dahan, convicted of killing forty-three Arabs in one hour, as officer for Arab affairs. Melinki, ten years after the event, felt no embarrassment about boasting of his services to Israel in the field of security, both before and after the massacre. (Yediot Aharanot, 27 April, 1967, cited in Jiryis, p. 150)

        But the Kafr Kassim affair would not go away. Particular concern was aroused by the part played by Brigadier Yshishkar Shadmi, the man under whose command Melinki's unit had operated. Shadmi was not originally brought to trial and the part he played became known only after the military court had rendered its judgment. During the trial, public indignation was aroused by certain comments Brigadier Shadmi had made during his briefing concerning the imposition of the curfew, particularly his replies to the officer who asked what was to happen to people returning from work: 'I don't want any sentimentality' and 'Allah have mercy on them.' In its judgment, the military court (presided over by Dr. Benjamin Halevy, president of the District Court in Jerusalem, who was on loan to the army for the trial) stated indisputably that Shadmi was responsible to a greater degree than any of the others. This put the Israeli authorities in an embarrassing situation. They were forced to bring Shadmi to trial, with the knowledge that in self-defense he would reveal the instructions he must have received from his immediate superiors, including Major General Zvi Tsur, commander of the Central Area, and Moshe Dayan, army chief of staff. The military court found the following in assessing Shadmi's role in the massacre of Kafr Kassim:

Vipers - Part 39

        'The defendant Melinki, when he gave his orders to his unit, was not acting on his own initiative or according to his own judgment. He was obeying orders. It was not he who initiated the imposition of the curfew; either as a curfew or as regards the manner of its enforcement. He only passed on the order he had received from his responsible commander, Brigadier Shadmi...There can be no doubt that the order given by Melinki was only one link in a chain of firm orders given in detail by the brigade commander. The orders given by Melinki were the direct result of the placing of a Frontier Guard unit under the orders of the brigade of the Israel Army commanded by Brigadier Shadmi and of the assignment to that unit of a task in accordance with the wishes of the brigade commander and with the direct order he gave in connection with the curfew and the way in which it was to be carried out.

        Shadmi not only entrusted Melinki with the 'task'; he also informed him of the 'method' by which the curfew was to be enforced. The method...was defined, as stipulated by the brigade commander, as one of 'stringent severity' and 'decisive policy,' the enforcement of the curfew by firing rather than by arrests. We are satisfied that the 'method' prepared by Melinki before the bloody incidents at Kafr Kassim, as a summary of the orders of the brigade commander and for this purpose of including it in the orders to be given to the units ('No villager shall leave his home during the hours of curfew'; 'Anyone leaving his home will be killed'; 'There will be no arrests') was a true reflection of the order given by the brigade commander. There was no misunderstanding by Melinki as to how the curfew was to be enforced, as decided by the brigade commander, and the harsh distinction made in the order given by the unit commander. Melinki, between villagers in their homes, who were to come to no harm, and persons out of doors, to whom the principle of shooting was to be applicable in its full severity, derived from the order given by the brigade commander, Shadmi. The unit commander's statement that, 'It would be better that several people should be killed' was derived directly from the statement of the brigade commander to the effect that 'It is better to get rid of some in this way' (his words being accompanied by a gesture with his hand as described by Melinki) 'than to have the complications of arrests.'...Our conclusion is that the method of enforcing the curfew, as decided by Melinki in his orders (before the questions and answers), corresponded in all important aspects with the methods of enforcing the curfew stipulated in the order given by the brigade commander. It was Brigadier Shadmi who initiated and ordered, in a manner that could not be disobeyed, the enforcement of the illegal instructions; it was he who ordered the shooting of citizens as a way of enforcing the curfew, and Melinki, in submitting to the orders of his commander, was only transmitting these instructions to his subordinates.' (Judgments of the District Courts of Israel 17, p. 208, cited in Jiryis, pp. 151-152)

        This is a very clear indictment of Shadmi, and when it was published it aroused several demands that he be brought to trial. Opposing the trial was a group led by officials of Shadmi's own party, Achdut Haavoda, who warned of the consequences of such action. A week after the court decision, an article appeared in the party's daily newspaper signed by a 'Hebrew prisoner,' the nom de plume of Knesset member Moshe Carmel, one of Achdut Haavoda's leaders and then Minister of Transportation.

        It is essential that we should ask whether the ultimate responsibility was Shadmi's and his alone. A brigadier commanding a brigade in the Israel Army who is charged with the task of supervising an area of operations does not act in accordance with his own personal opinions; he is restricted to a framework of plans, orders, and instructions drawn up somewhere and imposed on him by the authority of a higher command. And in as much as the court has disclosed the facts to the people at large, the people have the right to know, and insist on knowing, what orders and instructions were given to Brigadier Shadmi by those responsible for him, in accordance with which orders he acted, and then gave his own more detailed orders on the light of conditions as he saw them, and in the field in which he had experience, and also from whom he received his orders.

        If it is indeed found that the orders given by Brigadier Shadmi, whether oral or written, were a cause of the tragedy that took place, the following questions must be asked: Were these orders incompatible or compatible (italics in the original) with the order he received? It is on this basis that the problem must be considered.' (Lamerhav, 24 October 1958, as cited in Jiryis, pp. 152-153)

        The warning behind these words is clear. If Shadmi were brought to trial it would lead to the exposure of the role of his superiors, who no doubt briefed him and gave him the instructions which led to the massacre. But the authorities soon found a way out. Shadmi was hurried into court, but there was a change in the formation of the court. Justice Halevy had stepped down. The second court tried Shadmi rapidly, found him guilty of a 'technical error,' and sentenced him to a reprimand and a fine of one Israeli piaster. (Since then 'Shadmi's piaster' has become proverbial among the Arabs in Israel). And so the curtain was lowered on the massacre at Kafr Kassim." (Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel, p. 153)

        1960-1962: Israeli forces attacked Syrian villages on Lade Tiberias and brought death to hundreds of Arab civilians.

        1966: Squads of Israeli soldiers raided the Jordanian village of Sammu, they killed 18 civilians, wounded 100 others and demolished 130 houses including a school, a clinic and a mosque.

        1967: The U.S.S. Liberty was deliberately attacked in International Waters as it monitored communications during the Six-Day War. Israel used U.S.-donated equipment to jam the ship's S.O.S., hoping to sink it and murder all aboard before word could get out. 34 sailors were butchered and 170 wounded in this blatant Act of War. The Liberty was part of the Sixth Fleet, a powerful group of men and ships paid for by U.S. Taxpayers to protect the Israeli's. What do the Jews think of our American Service Men, the descendants of the men who pulled their chestnuts out of the fire in World War II? Read the following for Just a sample of the many murders of American military, the Jews have committed.

Even though the United States, beguiled by Zionist propaganda and fearful of domestic political pressures by the Israeli lobby in the United States, has been the major supporter of Israel and has become an accessory to Israeli crimes by providing the financial backing and sinews of war used by the Israelis, Americans, and even American servicemen, are not exempt from Israeli-perpetrated massacres if the highest Israeli authorities consider them to be in the way of their objectives.

During the June 1967 war of aggression unleashed by Israel against Egypt, Jordan and Syria, it was vitally important to the Israeli leaders that their plan for aggression against the Arab countries should not be monitored. They were exceedingly upset at the presence of an American intelligence ship, the USS Liberty, int he Eastern Mediterranean monitoring communications traffic in the area.

According to CIA Intelligence Reports, General Moshe Dayan ordered the June 8, 1967, strafing by Israeli aircraft of the USS Liberty and the resultant massacre of her defenseless crew of American sailors. In the words of Admiral Thomas H. Moorer, United States Navy,  "During this unprovoked attack, 34 U.S. Navy men were killed and 171 wounded."

        The U.S.S. Liberty was deliberately attacked in International Waters as it monitored communications during the Six-Day War. Israel used U.S.-donated equipment to jam the ship's S.O.S., hoping to sink it and murder all aboard before word could get out. 34 sailors were butchered and 170 wounded in this blatant Act of War. The Liberty was part of the Sixth Fleet, a powerful group of men and ships paid for by U.S. Taxpayers to protect the Israeli's. What do the Jews think of our American Service Men, the descendants of the men who pulled their chestnuts out of the fire in World War II? Read the following for Just a sample of the many murders of American military, the Jews have committed.

Israeli's Attempt To Sink The U.S.S. Liberty

An eyewitness report from the U.S.S. Liberty, by John Hrankowski: "June 8, 1967, was a bright, sunny day in international waters off Egypt. A breeze tracked our electronic-laden vessel, the U.S.S. Liberty, cruising under orders of the U.S. Navy. As an engineer I was not on deck, but when several jets began buzzing us I bounded to the main deck. My shipmates waved, laughed, and joked. Among the planes was a Piper Cub, clearly marked with the Star of David. The plane flew so low and so slowly that we could see its camera turret as it snapped our picture. Over our communications equipment we could hear the aircraft identify our ship as the U.S.S. Liberty. These were our allies, our friends, the Israeli's. Several hours later, about 2 P.M., the jets returned and made five to seven passes over us, machine-gunning and rocketing our lightly-armed ship. More planes arrived, this time Mirage Jets, and loosed bursts of bullets and cannon fire as well as napalm into the ship.

        In the initial attack, nine of my surprised comrades died, scores more were lying everywhere, wounded, horribly burned, moaning, dead or dying. I was seriously wounded by rocket shrapnel. This, however, was not the end of the two-and-one-half hour ordeal. Israeli torpedo boats streaked toward our stricken ship and fired five torpedoes. One hit home, bringing violent death to 25 more American crew members.


        To prevent the Liberty from communicating with other vessels and navy communication centers, our radio was jammed. This, we later learned, could only have been accomplished by a 'Friendly' nation who knew our radio frequencies...For 19 (This report was published in The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs -- December, 1986) my shipmates and I have been trying to get out the truth about the attack that killed 34 Americans and wounded 171 others. All of us agree that The Attack Could Not Possibly Have Been A Mistake. The Israeli aircraft that came within 200 feet, the messages giving the ship's name, the two large U.S. Navy Flags billowing in the breeze, the big GTR-5 stenciled on the bow -- characters well -- known to friend and foe as a U.S. Navy designation -- all clearly identified us.

        For years our crew was puzzled, and incredulous, when Israeli authorities claimed our ship had been mistaken for an Egyptian freighter. Of it all I Believe it was no Coincidence that the Israeli Attack Took Place on June 8, and that the next day Israel invaded Syrian territory, capturing the Golan Heights, an area it still holds years later and which it now says it has annexed for permanent retention.

        The Liberty was a navy electronic 'ferret' research vessel, listening to communications from both sides in the Six Day War...Very little of this information has ever reached the American public. Even Congress, importuned for decades by survivors to at least investigate the reasons behind the attack on a U.S. Military Vessel, up to now has refused to do so. After the attack, when the surviving crew members were still together aboard the ship, we were Officially Warned not to talk to Reporters. The Navy has Never been willing to release, even to us, a list of crew members so that we can mobilize them to tell our story...

        I speak frequently in the upstate New York area, and I find people invariably shocked that they have been kept ignorant of this incident. The fact that the American public remains largely unaware of what happened at the hands of a so-called ally proves that the press has failed to exercise its mandate to keep the American People informed. The American public will believe and support us, when they learn Americans like themselves who joined the Navy to serve their country, when we produce irrefutable evidence that the attack on June 8, 1967, could not have been an error. It was, in fact, an Attempt to Sink an American Ship that might have Alerted the World to an (Senseless and Murderous) Israeli Act of Aggression.

        Americans should know the facts so they can judge the readability and reliability of a nation that wants us to believe it is 'our closest ally.' The American tax payers should know because they bought the planes, the boats, the bombs, rockets, torpedoes, and napalm that struck us. At one time we surviving crew members hoped official naval inquiries would elicit all the facts. But we have given up on that. Those inquires, we're convinced, were part and parcel of the American Government Coverup: Evidence was concealed, key crew witnesses were never interviewed; The Israeli Government's conclusions were never really queried or published...' I just cannot accept the explanation that the attack was a case of mistaken identity,' Admiral Thomas H. Moorer, said. 'I think, Without a Doubt, that those 34 men who were killed in the Sneak Attack on the Liberty were Killed (Murdered) Deliberately.'..."

Is it not strange that on June 8, 1967, Israeli Jews viciously attacked the American Ship U.S.S. Liberty, leaving 34 American Sailors dead and 171 injured, yet to this day the Jewish media has ignored it and the American Congressmen have wittingly forgotten about it. The attack was deliberate, lasting almost 2 hours, and due to political orders the U.S. Military would not come to the aid of the U.S.S. Liberty.

General Dayan was a hero to the media in the United States. They never mentioned his complicity in such massacres as Kibya. (The Massacre of Kibya: The Massacre of Kibya on October 14, 1953, was a continuation of such brutal, inhuman massacres as the King David Hotel, Semiramis Hotel and Deir Yassin. But it was also a watershed in one of the most sinister grand designs in military history, a deliberate turning of an entire officer corps into a cabal with shared personal guilt for vicious war crimes.

     The Nazis organized a separate all-volunteer army under Heinrich Himmler, the Waffen SS. The SS was responsible for the majority of the German war atrocities comparable to those committed by the Zionists. In 1953, Ben-Gurion established an SS equivalent in the Zahal, designated as Commando Unit 101. This all-volunteer unit was responsible for the Kibya massacre and was given exemption from the rules of war as if the Geneva Convention never existed. The first, and only, commander of Commando Unit 101 was Ariel Sharon, the single person most responsible years later for the notorious Sabra and Shatila massacre in Beirut, Lebanon.

     The guilt of Commando Unit 101 was in the most sinister fashion extended first to the Israeli Airborne forces, and subsequently to the entire career officer corps of the Israeli Army. Sharon maneuvered the resignation of the professional commander of the Israeli paratroops, Yehuda Harari, and amalgamated the paratroops along with Commando Unit 101 into Unit 202 of the Israeli Army.

     The professionalism of the Israeli Airborne troops was thus destroyed, turning all Israeli paratroopers, not just the participants in the Kabya Massacre, into common criminals and murderers of innocent men, women and children. The Zionists, having destroyed the professionalism of their own Airborne Force, proceeded to destroy the professionalism of the entire Officer Crops of the Israeli Defense Forces. No senior officer of the IDF could gain promotion without prior service in the paratroops, and all paratroopers shared in war crimes guilt through assignments given them to murder civilians and to commit other acts illegal under the Geneva Convention.

     According to an authoritative survey of the Israeli Army; "The silver parachute 'jump-wings' are worn by almost all Zahal officers, as it is normally a required qualification." (The Israeli Army in the Middle East Wars 1948-1973 (London: Osprey Publishing). p. 31).

     The Government of Israel at the time claimed that the Kibya Massacre was performed by "civilian Jewish settlers." But the historical record shows that it was sanctioned by acting Prime Minister Moshe Sharrett, and was planned by Defense Minister Pinhas Lavon, the Chief of the General Staff Mordecai Maklef, and the Chief of Operations, General Moshe Dayan, in concert with vacationing Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion.

     Despite the Israeli Government's attempt at cover-up, word spread of their responsibility for the Kibya Massacre and Ariel Sharon's role ultimately came out in connection with this crime. No less a Zionist figure than I.L. Kenen, the founding father of AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee), the official Israeli lobby in the United States, revealed in his Memoirs: "I was on my way home on the subway, headed for Riverdale, when I heard a brief news flash in the World Telegram disclosing that 66 Arabs had been killed at Kibya as Israelis sought to avenge the slaughter of an Israeli family. I did not know until years later that the raid was ordered by Ariel Sharon, the Israeli commander who led the invasion of Lebanon in 1982." (I.L. Kenen, All My Causes, p. 60).

     At 9:30 p.m., on Wednesday, October 14, 1953, Israeli troops attacked the border Jordanian village of Kibya, Northwest of Jerusalem. Seven hundred regular Israeli troops participated in the attack in which mortars, machine guns, rifles and explosives were used. Forty-two houses as well as the school and the mosque of the village were dynamited. Every man, woman and child found by the criminal attackers was killed; all in all, seventy-five innocent villagers were murdered in cold blood that night. Later, the attackers turned their fire on the cattle, killing 22 cows. The attack was the bloodiest and most brutal Zionist crimes since the infamous Deir Yassin massacre of 1948. (Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem, pp. 272-273)) They swept under the rug his direct responsibility for the USS Liberty massacre. Even worse, the United States Government, for domestic political reasons, conducted a massive cover-up of the crime, making it an accessory after the fact to this slaughter of American servicemen.

If the same criteria were used to investigate and try those responsible for the USS Liberty massacre as has been used on German and Japanese war criminals, the entire Israeli War Cabinet and General Staff would have been convicted for the crime.

For his direct order of the massacre of defenseless sailors on an unarmed communications vessel sailing in neutral waters, General Dayan would have been hung, and then President of the United States Lyndon Johnson would have been sentenced to many years of incarceration in prison for obstructing justice in a criminal cover-up of the USS Liberty massacre.

Vipers - Part 40

President Johnson and The U.S.S Liberty Incident

The weekly newspaper Christian News is published by the Lutheran Church movement. In their issue of June 15, 1987, a very interesting article regarding the U.S.S. Liberty incident was published. The title of the article was  "LBJ gave the order to let the USS Liberty sink and let all hands on board drown."

Some very important information was revealed in that article that is very relative to our survival today as a Christian Nation. The article revealed: "In a private interview of U.S.S. Liberty survivor Commander (Ret.) David Lewis, who was in command of the scientific mission of the ship which was the gathering and dissemination of intelligence data. He told me that the order to Abandon The USS Liberty and her crew to the attacking Israeli planes and Torpedo Boats came from President Lyndon B. Johnson. Two days after the rescue of the survivors, and after Commander Lewis had regained his eyesight, he was hit by an exploding torpedo -- Admiral and Commanding Officer of the Mediterranean Fleet Larry Geis called him into his quarters and said to him, 'Commander, we received your calls for help, and we attempted to send our planes to the rescue. But in the event that something happens to me, or if I am blamed for not answering your call for help, I want you to know exactly what happened. As soon as we received your radio call for help I deployed our fighter-bomber planes and radioed the Pentagon of our action. A few minutes later I received a call from Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara ordering me to recall the planes because they were carrying nuclear arms. So I called them back. I immediately rearmed another squadron with conventional weapons, deployed it, and reported to the pentagon. A few minutes later I got another call from McNamara ordering me to recall these planes too. I was angry and mystified, and exercised my prerogative to go to the next highest level of authority so as to have McNamara's order reversed.

Seconds later President Lyndon Johnson was on the radiophone, and I made my case to him. I told him that the USS Liberty had been under attack for an hour, and had radioed for help, and that I had sent out a squadron of fighter-bombers armed with conventional weapons to the rescue. Then the President said to me, 'I Don't Care If The Ship Sinks and Every Man On Board Drowns, we are not going to fight against our allies (Israel)'."

The article then discusses the holding of the 20th Anniversary reunion of the members of the USS Liberty Veterans Association in a Washington, D.C. hotel on 5, 6 and 7 June, 1987. The article then continues: "Besides us ordinary citizens and many other sympathizers and supporters at the banquet there were many retired naval officers, including three admirals, and a retired United States Ambassador. Admiral Thomas Moorer, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and former United States Ambassador to Egypt, Lucius Battle were the main speakers. Both told of their absolute belief that the one and one-half hour air and sea attack by Israel was deliberate, that the official refusal to disclose all that is known about the attack is shameful, and that if the United States does not soon recognize that its interests are for the most part different from Israel's interests in the Middle East and in the world, there will be dire consequences. In our USS Liberty petition signing booth near the Vietnam Memorial...twenty-five hundred signatures have been collected. On Saturday, June 6, six of the USS Liberty survivors dropped by to add their signatures to the petition. While we were reminiscing another citizen identified himself as a member of AIPAC (American-Israel Political Affairs Committee), and reminded us that AIPAC -- Controls the election or defeat of every member of Congress!"

As far as I know the "Only" so-called national publication which is patriotic enough to print it was the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, in their September issue. Isn't that something, our enemies so the Jews say, or would have to believe so, is the only ones who respect our American Service Men enough to publicize, what should have been a National Event; but it was not because of the almost absolute control over our government that ZOG has at the present time. It is an article by Paul Findley who served in Congress from 1961 to 1982.

The USS Liberty Heroes Honored

"Thirty surviving crewmen of the USS Liberty, a US Navy reconnaissance ship nearly destroyed by Israeli forces 22 years ago (1967), gathered in Milwaukee the weekend of June 9-11 for a reunion to recall that dreadful day and pay tribute to the 34 sailors Killed (Murdered) In the Assault. They have a lot to remember: The Liberty, an intelligence-gathering ship, had only a pair of 50-caliber machine guns for defense. But on the bright, clear afternoon of June 8, 1967, with its American Flag fluttering in a strong breeze, the ship came under a thundering, pitiless 75-minute assault by air and sea forces. Israel, already victorious over Egypt and Jordan in the first three days of the Six-Day War of June 1967, was planning a surprise ground offensive the next day against Syria (which for its part was calling a cease-fire). The best explanation for what followed is that the Israelis feared the Liberty 'MIGHT' intercept messages revealing Israeli intentions, pass reports to Washington, and frustrate Israel's plans to scale and hold Syria's Golan Heights.

Whatever the motivation, the Liberty endured an assault so fierce and sustained that crew members were convinced that Israel wanted the ship and its entire crew destroyed. Who but the survivors can relive those awful moments, the cries of the wounded as lethal bursts of cannon fire swept the ship; the stench of burning flesh as napalm created instant infernos on the deck; the earsplitting thunder as a torpedo tore an immense hole in the ship's sides; decks made slippery with blood; the feeling of outrage as circling torpedo boats deliberately shot to pieces rubber life rafts launched in case the ship had to be abandoned.

Israel claimed the attack was a case of mistaken identity, apologized, and eventually paid reparations. President Lyndon Johnson, facing a crisis in Vietnam, accepted the apology warmly and did his best to keep from public knowledge the overwhelming conviction of crew members and their commanders, both the Navy and the National Security Agency, that the attack was deliberate. Why the cover-up? For one thing, President Johnson feared publicity about the Liberty might alienate Jewish citizens he wanted to support the Vietnam war. Whatever the motivations, his cover-up succeeded. Few Americans, even to this day, are aware of this tragedy, one of the worst in the Navy's peacetime history. As a consequence, the bravery of the Liberty crewmen has been little noted, and no Congressional investigation into the attack has occurred."

Although Minister of Defense General Moshe Dayan was principally responsible for the USS Liberty massacre, then Israeli Prime Minister Levi Eshkol also shared responsibility. Because the USS Liberty was an intelligence monitoring vessel, it is also certain that Meier Amit, head of Mossad (Israeli Intelligence) in 1967, and General Aharon Yariv, then head of Military Intelligence, had to give clearance for the attack. Amit had previously been a participant in the Kibya massacre. Further, the Chief of Staff of the Israeli Armed Forces in 1967, General Yitzhak Rabin, had legal responsibility to ensure that Israeli aircraft did not fire upon neutral vessels in neutral waters.

General Mordekhai Hod, then Commander of the Israeli Air Force, and later president of Israeli Aircraft Industries, Ltd., also was legally responsible for the crime committed by his pilots, as were the pilots themselves for carrying out obviously unlawful orders to strafe an unarmed neutral vessel in international waters. The same criteria of judgment rendered on the German and Japanese war criminals of World War II would have held these as well as other Israeli political and military leaders individually responsible and accountable for their acts of omission and commission regarding the USS Liberty massacre. Following are details on the massacre recounted by the distinguished former U.S. Congressman from Illinois, Paul Findley: "The day of the attack began in routine fashion, with the ship first proceeding slowly in an easterly direction in the eastern Mediterranean, later following the contour of the coastline westerly about fifteen miles off the Sinai Peninsula. On the mainland, Israeli forces were winning smashing victories in the third Arab-Israeli war in nineteen years. Israeli Chief of Staff Yitzhak Rabin, announcing that the Israelis had taken the entire Sinai and broken the blockade on the Strait of Tiran, declared: 'The Egyptians are defeated.' On the eastern front the Israelis had overcome Jordanian forces and captured most of the West Bank.

At 6 a.m. an airplane, identified by the Liberty crew as an Israeli Noratlas, circled the ship slowly and departed. This procedure was repeated periodically over an eight-hour period. At 9 a.m. a Jew appeared at a distance, then left. At 10 a.m. two rocket-armed jets circled the ship three times. They were close enough for their pilots to be observed through binoculars. The planes were unmarked. An hour later the Israeli Noratlas returned, flying not more than 200 feet directly above the Liberty and clearly marked with the Star of David. The ship's crew members and the pilot waved at each other. This plane returned every few minutes until 1 p.m. By then, the ship had changed course and was proceeding almost due west. At 2:00 p.m. all hell broke loose. Three Mirage fighter planes headed straight for the Liberty, their rockets taking out the forward machine guns and wrecking the ship's antennae. The Mirages were joined by Mystere fighters, which dropped napalm on the bridge and deck and repeatedly strafed the ship. The attack continued for over 20 minutes. In all, the ship sustained 821 holes in her sides and decks. Of these, more than 100 were rocket size. As the aircraft departed, three torpedo boats took over the attack, firing five torpedoes, one of which tore a 40-foot hole in the hull, killing 25 sailors. The ship was in flames, dead in the water, listing precariously, and taking water. The crew was ordered to prepare to abandon ship. As life-rafts were lowered into the water, the torpedo boats moved closer and shot them to pieces. One plane concentrated machine-gun fire on rafts still on deck as crew members there tried to extinguish the napalm fire. Petty Officer Charles Rowley declares, 'They didn't want anyone to live.'" (Paul Findley, They Dare to Speak Out (Westport: Lawrence Hill, 1985), pp. 166-168)

Paul Findley continues: "At 3:15 p.m. the last shot was fired, leaving the vessel a combination morgue and hospital. The ship had no engines, no power, no rudder. Fearing further attack, Captain McGonagle, despite severe leg injuries, stayed at the bridge. An Israeli helicopter, its open bay door showing troops in battle gear and a machine gun mounted in an open doorway, passed close to the deck and then left. Other aircraft came and went during the next hour. Although U.S. air support never arrived, within fifteen minutes of the first attack and more than an hour before the first assault ended, fighter planes from the USS Saratoga were in the air ready for a rescue mission under orders 'to destroy or drive off any attackers.' The carrier was only 30 minutes away, and, with a squadron of fighter planes on deck ready for a routine operation, it was prepared to respond almost instantly.

But the rescue never occurred. Without approval by Washington, the planes could not take aggressive action, even to rescue a U.S. ship confirmed to be under attack. Admiral Donald Engen, then captain of the America, the second U.S. carrier in the vicinity, later explained: 'President Johnson had very strict control. Even though we knew the Liberty was under attack, I couldn't just go and order a rescue.' The planes were hardly in the air when the voice of Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara was heard over Sixth Fleet radios: 'Tell the Sixth Fleet to get those aircraft back immediately.' They were to have no part in destroying or driving off the attackers.

Shortly after 3 p.m., nearly an hour after the Liberty's plea was first heard, The White House momentary approval to a rescue mission and planes from both carriers were launched. At almost precisely the same instant, the Israeli Government informed the U.S. naval attach´┐Ż in Tel Aviv that its forces had 'erroneously attacked a U.S. ship' after mistaking it for an Egyptian vessel, and offered 'abject apologies.' With apology in hand, Johnson once again ordered U.S. aircraft back to their carriers." (Paul Findley, They Dare to Speak Out, pp. 166-168)

The cowardly and callous attempt by the Israeli air force to ensure that there would be no survivors to their crime constituted an offense in its own right. Lord Russell of Liverpool, who was legal adviser to the Commander-in-Chief in respect of all trials of German war criminals in the British Zone of Occupied Germany, reports a similar crime committed by German submarine U-i52's commander Kapitanleutnant Heinz Eck, who had ordered his crew to open fire on the rafts of the Greek vessel SS Peleus in 1943. "The commander and four members of his crew were tried by a British Military Court in Hamburg in October 1945 for being concerned in the killing of members of the crew of the Peleus by firing and throwing grenades at them. All were found guilty of the charge and the commander and three others sentenced to suffer death by shooting." (Lord Russell of Liverpool, The Scourge of the Swastika (New York: Philosophical Library, 1954), p. 76)

Details on CIA documents indicting the Israeli leadership for murder of the defenseless crew of the USS Liberty were uncovered through the painstaking research of James M. Ennes, Jr., an officer of the USS Liberty and an eyewitness to the massacre: "The CIA reported a conversation with a confidential Israeli source who strongly implied that the attack was no error. The message read in part: 'He said that 'you've got to remember that in this campaign there is neither time nor room for mistakes,' which was intended as an obtuse reference to the fact that Israel's forces knew what flag the Liberty was flying and exactly what the vessel was doing off the cost. (The source) implied that the ship's identity was known at least six hours before the attack but that Israeli headquarters was not sure as to how many people might have access to the information the Liberty was intercepting. He also implied that there was no certainty or control as to where the information was going and again reiterated that Israeli forces did not make mistakes in their campaign. He was emphatic in stating to me that they knew what kind of ship the USS Liberty was and what it was doing offshore. This report gains credibility when we recall that Israel did identify the ship six hours before the attack. Hence, the informant does indeed have access to inside information.

On November 9, 1967, a confidential source reported clearly and unequivocally that General Moshe Dayan ordered the attack. The message read: '(The source) commented on the sinking (sic) of the US Communications ship Liberty. They said that Dayan personally ordered the attack on the ship and that one of his generals adamantly opposed the action and said, 'This is pure murder.' One of the admirals who was present also disapproved the action, and it was he who ordered it stopped and not Dayan." (Mames M. Ennes, Assault on the Liberty (New York: Random House, 1979), pp. 214-216)

June 5, 1967: Israeli committed its biggest, most treacherous and premeditated aggression against Egypt, Syria and Jordan. After destroying Arab aircraft on the ground in a lightening attack, Israeli forces invaded and occupied the rest of Palestine i.e., the West Bank, Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem, the Syrian Golan Heights and the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula. In the first days of its aggression and in plain disregard of the truth, Israel fabricated a charge of aggression against its victims and presented it in a dramatic manner to the U.N. Security Council. Western media spread this fabricated story and the whole world sympathized with the supposed victim. In 1967 the Israeli's made a third ruthless blitzkrieg attack upon the Arabs. This time they deliberately destroyed three quarters of a million dollar's worth of church property.

The great deception practiced by Israel on the U.N. and the whole world is now completely discredited, the Israelis, therefore, changed their tactics and rely nowadays on the argument that, they were NOT attacked by Egypt, they were in danger of BEING attacked, and hence they resorted to a so-called pre-emptive strike. Alan Hart quotes a former Israeli Director of military intelligence as telling him "if Nasser had not given Israel the excuse to attack the Arabs, Israel would have invented a pretext for war within six or ten months" because its military planners had decided that the time had come to knock out vast amounts of mainly Soviet-supplied Arab armor. Yitzhak Rabin, who as chief of staff planned this attack told Le Monde in February 1968, quite simply: "We knew that Nasser did not intend to attack."

February 15, 1968: Israel invaded PLO bases in Karamah, on the eastern bank of the River Jordan with helicopter-borne troops and tanks. Three hundred commandos fought off 1,500 Israeli soldiers and force them to retreat. The battle lasted all day and into the evening. Although the village was totally destroyed, the Palestinian defenders repelled the Israelis and inflicted heavy casualties among the invaders. By the Israeli account, they lost 28 soldiers and 90 were wounded.

1969: The Israelis distinguished themselves by committing a horrible crime, in retaliation of attrition war across the Suez Canal, Israeli war planes raided an Egyptian school "Bahr al Baker" in southern Egypt killing 75 children and wounding over 100.

August 1969: An Israeli set fire to one of the most sacred Islamic shrines. Al Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem, causing extensive damage to it. This crime plunged over one billion Muslims throughout the world into the deepest anguish.

March 12, 1970: Israeli forces invaded part of South Lebanon known as "Fatah-Land" killing a number of Palestinian and Lebanese civilians.

September 8, 1972 -- Without any apparent cause or reason, Israeli Phantoms bombed Palestinian targets in Lebanon and Syria in a series of raids killing hundreds of civilians. This action was explained by the Israeli prime minister the next day, who in the Knesset, that "Israel had now adopted a new policy to strike at the terrorist organizations where ever we can reach them."

February 21, 1973: Israel landed commando units on the coasts of the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli. They attacked two Palestinian refugees camps, dynamited several houses and buildings, some over the heads of their occupants, killing 35 refugees and wounding a similar number. On this same day Israeli aircraft shot down a peaceful Libyan Civil Boeing 727 airliner, murdering 106 innocent passengers. This brazenly criminal act was perpetrated over the then illegally occupied Egyptian territory of Sinai. The airliner was in distress, and Israel's leaders, not caring about its civilian passengers of many different nationalities, had their fighters shoot it down.

The decision to shoot down this Libyan airliner in distress was made by then Chief of Staff of the IDF General David Elazar, acting on erroneous intelligence data supplied by Mossad and cleared with Military Intelligence. Then Head of Mossad, General Zvi Zamir, and Head of Military Intelligence, General Eli Zeira, share General Elazar's responsibility for the brutal massacre of these innocent civilian airline passengers.

Vipers - Part 41

The responsibility of then Minister of Defense General Moshe Dayan and then Prime Minister Golda Meir in this crime is also clear and established. The following is from the United Nations Security Council Documents in an account of the Libyan Boeing 727 airliner massacre sent by the Ambassador of Egypt: "Upon urgent instructions from my Government and in view of the seriousness of the situation arising from the most brazenly criminal act perpetrated by Israeli fighters over the occupied Egyptian territory of Sinai against a Libyan civil Boeing 727 airliner in distress and carrying civilian passengers of different nationalities, I would like to bring the following points to your attention, as well as to the attention of the members of the Security Council.

        On 21 February, 1973, a Libyan airliner proceeding on a scheduled flight from Benghazi to Cairo deviated from its original course wing to navigational difficulties as well as to bad weather conditions. The airliner, therefore, accidentally overflew the occupied Egyptian territory of Sinai. Thereupon the civil aircraft was intercepted by four Israeli fighters and, in spite of the fact that the aircraft was unmistakably civilian, the Israeli fighters, upon direct instructions, cleared with the highest authorities in Israel, treacherously and without warning attacked the airliner with cannon fire and missiles while it was heading west. This flagrant premeditated and barbaric act of aggression resulted in the crash of the civil aircraft and caused the death of 106 helpless and defenseless victims.

        It is worthwhile to note that the aircraft deviated into Sinai, which is illegally occupied by Israel, in defiance of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and the numerous resolutions of the world Organization. Had Israel respected and implemented its obligations under the Charter and the United Nations resolutions, the said massacre would have been avoided and the innocent lives would have been spared.

        The Egyptian Government considers the Israeli act of shooting down a civilian aircraft to be another aggression carried by Israel to new heights, as well as a crime committed in cold blood against a civil air transport vehicle, and, as such, it is a flagrant and serious threat to the safety of international aviation.

        The Egyptian Government draws attention to the fact that Israel is callously engaged in a premeditated campaign of massacre and mass killings in the occupied Arab territories in particular and in the region in general. The recent unprovoked aggression against Lebanon which resulted in the killing of tens of civilians is a case in point. It occurred on 21 February, the day that the horrible crime against the civil aircraft occurred. Other official Israeli terrorist operations in the Middle East need not be enumerated in this respect. It is a matter of criminal record and common indignation."

        April 10, 1973: Israeli commando units with the help of some Lebanese collaborators stormed into a residential quarter in East Beirut and killed three PLO leaders: Yusef Al Najjar, Kamal Adwan and Kamal Nasser.

        1974: Israeli air-borne commando units attacked Beirut airport and destroyed 13 Lebanese civilian aircraft on the ground. In the same year, Israeli planes intercepted a civilian Syrian aircraft and forced it to land at Lydda (Lod) airport on suspicion that it was carrying a Palestinian commando leader. Christian shrines in Jerusalem were subjected to several acts of aggression and robbery. This included damaging the church of the Holy Sepulchre, burying 4 other Christian centers, and stealing the diamond Crown of the Virgin Mary (And not a peep from so-called American Ministers!).

        1975-1980: Israeli's intelligence service, the Mossad, distinguished itself by feats of terrorist actions that killed a number of Arab and Palestinian diplomats, scientists and journalists such as the PLO representatives in London, Rome, Paris and Brussels, prominent Palestinian journalist and writer Ghassan Kanafani and the Egyptian nuclear scientist Dr. Al Mashad.

        1981: Putting their so-called pre-emptive policy in action, Israeli warplanes raided and destroyed a peaceful Iraqi nuclear reactor near Baghdad.

        June 6, 1982: The Israeli armed forces invaded Lebanon. Less than two weeks after its election, the New Menachem Begin government unleashed the first blow in its war to liquidate the PLO in Lebanon.

        June 1982: Israeli forced launched their savage invasion of Lebanon. As a result of this invasion a great number of refugee camps, Lebanese towns and villages were destroyed. Israeli warplanes launched eight raids on Palestinian targets in South Lebanon and Beirut, killing nearly one thousand people and wounding many others. The fantasy of the "pre-emptive strike policy" was dropped and even the Jerusalem Post correspondent was at pains to explain the purpose of the bombing raids. "The past few days of activities on the northern border followed five weeks of quiet. It is not know what triggered Israeli's Friday afternoon raid." Outraged by Israel's onslaught and the cruel destruction of Beirut, Jewish journalist Jacobo Timmerman called Begin "unbalanced" a "terrorist" and "a disgrace to the people." He accused Sharon of helping to make Israel "the Prussia of the Middle East."

        1982: The Massacres of Sabra and Shatila Camps by the Israelis! The massacres, the King David Hotel, the Semiramis Hotel, Deir Yassin, Dawayma, Kibya, Kafr Kassem, the USS Liberty and the Libyan Boeing 727 Airliner; practically pale into insignificance compared the carnage perpetrated at the Sabra and Shatila Palestinian Refugee Camps in Beirut, Lebanon, during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982. The mass murder of more than 2,750 men, women and children (according to a body count taken in the camps by the International Committee of the Red Cross on September 23, 1982) whose only "crime" was to be homeless exiles from their native land; by the Phalangist puppets of the Israelis has been studied exhaustively. The Israelis ordered the Phalangist Military forces to conduct the genocide attack against helpless Palestinians.

The studies disclose that any rational person would place responsibility on the Israelis for inspiring the massacres. Without question it has been established that the Israelis bear responsibility for the killings. The principal war criminal bearing legal responsibility for the massacres is the then Israeli Minister of Defense, General Ariel Sharon, the perpetrator of the Kibya Massacre nearly thirty years before. He was aided and abetted in this criminal responsibility by the Foreign Minister of Israel, Yitshak Shamir, who previously had criminal responsibility associated with the Deir Yassin Massacre and other massacres and the assassination of United Nations Representative Count Bernadotte. Responsibility was shared by Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, guilty of war crime atrocities in both the King David Hotel Massacre in 1946 and that of Deir Yassin and other massacres.

Three senior Israeli Generals were found to have Command Responsibility for the Sabra and Shatila war crime. Chief of Staff General Rafael Eitan, Commanding General of the North Command, General Amir Drori, and the Field Commander for the IDF division occupying West Beirut, Brigadier General Amos Yaron, were all found guilty of criminal responsibility related to the Sabra and Shatila massacre.

Issue No. 107 of Military Law Review, the official legal periodical of the U.S. Department of Defense issued by the Department of the Army, published an exhaustive 118 page analysis by Lieutenant Commander Weston D. Burnett, Judge Advocate General's Corps., United States Navy, on the Israeli responsibility for the massacre. In his study, entitled "Command Responsibility and a Case Study of the Criminal Responsibility of Israeli Military Commanders for the Pogrom at Shatila and Sabra," Commander Burnett concluded: "The screams of the victims at Dubno, My Lai and Sabra and Shatila should never be forgotten. IN assessing the blame for such atrocities, command responsibility must play a key role. (Military Law Review, No. 107, Winter Issue 1985, p. 186) The verdict, established by all the precedents established in the history of warfare and by the International War Crimes Tribunals after World War II, can only be guilty in regard to the Israelis. The following is a day- by-day, hour-by-hour chronology of the events surrounding the Sabra and Shatila massacre." (Franklin P. Lamb, ed., Israel's War in Lebanon (Boston, Mass.: South End Press, 1984), pp. 98-112)

        September 13: The last French contingent of the multinational peacekeeping force departed Lebanon.

        5:10 p.m. Prime Minister Begin and Defense Minister Sharon, without Cabinet consultation, decided to implement "Operation Iron Brain," which includes the occupation of West Beirut in order to "prevent dangerous developments and to preserve tranquility and order."

        September 14: A bomb blast kills president-elect Bashir Gemayel with 50-60 colleagues in Phalangist headquarters in East Beirut. 350 members of rival Phalangist factions arrested by the SKS, the Kitaeb (Phalange) security service. Before the announcement of Gemayel's death is officially made, Begin and Sharon, without cabinet consultation set in action "Operation Iron Brain"; it involves the occupation of West Beirut.

        6:00 p.m. An Israeli air bridge was set up at Beirut Airport, and tanks and men disembarked. Later, following the announcement of the death of Bashir Gemayel, Sharon talked to Begin and the decision was made to invade West Beirut. Only Foreign Minister Shamir was informed and he endorsed the plan. The Israeli forces made their last preparations.

        7:30 p.m. Even before the meeting between Israel and Phalangist leaders at which the Phalangists were told to enter the camps, the first Hercules C-130 transports began landing at the Beirut Airport from Israel. Sharon had ordered the supplies and material for the operation within ten minutes of learning of Gemayel's death.

        8:30 p.m. Approximately four hours after Bashir Gemayel's death, Defense Minister Ariel Sharon and Chief of Staff Rafael Eitan finalized the decision to send the Phalangists into the camps. The reason, according to Eitan, was "because we could give them orders whereas it was impossible to give the Lebanese Army orders." Contrary to Israeli government statements, the Israeli Army command did not first urge the Lebanese Army to enter the camps, but directly approached the Phalangists. Only Major General Amir Drori, who feared a massacre, urged the Lebanese army to enter the camps.

Systematic analysis of nine massacres; the King David Hotel in 1946, the Semiramis Hotel in 1948, Deir Yassin in 1948, Dawayma in 1948, Kibya in 1953, Kafr Kassin in 1956, the USS Liberty in 1967, the Libyan Boeing 727 Airliner in 1973, and Sabra and Shatila in 1982, indicates the presence of a pattern:

        1). These war crimes were not isolated incidents erratically performed by fringe groups of military units which had lost their coherence, but instead were conducted for predetermined objectives;

        2). Each massacre was planned in advance for a political rather than a military purpose;

        3). Each massacre was conducted for psychological terroristic impact not solely related to the massacre itself;

        4). Each massacre was conducted under the auspices of a well-defined chain of command descending from a political authority to a terroristic organization or military structure;

        5). The individuals who were the actual war criminals were never conscripts, but voluntary leaders sharing Zionist ideological fervor; and

        6). Regardless of political party affiliations, those individuals with proven guilt in war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, such as Ben-Gurion, Dayan, Begin, Shamir, Rabin, Sharon and Peres, as examples, seem to have ensured political dominance in Israel by individuals who were guilty of these crimes in their past. This would seem to indicate a criminal conspiracy to ensure that those guilty of war crimes against humanity and genocide would never be brought to justice, and that those who would oppose the perpetration of these crimes would always be excluded from achieving real political power in Israel.

        July 17, 1982: U.S. supplied F-4 and F-5 jets swooped low over Beirut in 4 passes, bombing the densely-populated Fakahani district. Five tall apartment buildings were destroyed, 200 people were killed and 800 wounded. Forty percent of the victims were small children, and one of the survivors was an unborn baby pulled by doctors from the dead mother's womb. Israel's then Chief-of-staff Rafael Eitan announced on Israeli Radio that civilian causalities were unimportant and that the Arab causalities suffered as of the July 17 attack did not yet constitute the Israeli "final solution."

        September 1982: Israeli raids and bombardments continued during the weeks following the raid on Beirut in July. It was the beginning of the invasion of Beirut; after which an 80 days war led by Ariel Sharon, (then War Minister of Israel) resulted in the destruction of much of Beirut, killing and wounding thousands of Palestinians and Lebanese civilians. It was during this invasion that the massacre of the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps was committed. Where over 2,500 Palestinian women, children and elderly people were slaughtered in cold blood. Even the Israeli high court held a number of the Israeli military officers, including Sharon, responsible.

        October 1982: Israeli terrorists bombed the houses, cars and offices of three elected Palestinian mayors on the West Bank, Nablus, Ramallah and Al Beireh.

        1984: Israeli warships and gunboats intercepted merchant ships on the high seas off the coast of Lebanon and kidnapped a number of Palestinians.

        1985: Israeli planes raided and destroyed the PLO headquarters in Tunis.

        1986: Israeli secret agents assassinated a noted Palestinian cartoonist Naji Al Ali, in London.

        April 1988: Israeli commando units stormed into the house of Khalil Al Wazir, in Tunis. Al Wazir who was the most senior PLO military commander and believed to be in charge of the Intifada, was murdered while sleeping.

        February and March 1989: Israeli F-16 planes pounded Palestinian targets in Lebanon's Shouf Mountains, Damour and the Beka's valley with a series of raids killing a numbers of civilians, including 15 school children in Damour.

        April 14, 1989: Israeli border guards and settlers attacked the peaceful and unarmed village of Nahalin near Bethlehem. Eight Palestinians were massacred for no reason and over 50 were injured. The killings took place late in the night and at the beginning of the Holy month of Ramadan.

Could this sort of actions by the Jews be the reason they have been run out of every country on earth, except the United  States and there is not much doubt that some day America will realize just how much the Jews despise and loth them; and they too will rise up and drive them out. Expulsions of Jews from Host Nations: 1). A.D. 250, Carthage; 2). 415, Alexandria; 3). 554, Diocese of Clement (France); 4). 561, Diocese of Uzzes (France); 5). 612, Visigoth Spain; 6). 642, Visigoth Empire; 7). 855, Italy; 8). 876, Sens; 9). 1012, Mayence; 10). 1181, France; 11). 1290, England; 12). 1306, France; 13). 1348, Switzerland; 14). 1349, Hielbronn (Germany); 15). 1349, Hungary; 16). 1388, Strasbourg; 17). 1394, Germany; 18). 1394, France; 19). 1422, Austria; 20). 1424, Fribourg & Zurich; 21). 1426, Cologne; 22). 1432, Savory; 23). 1438, Mainz; 24). 1439, Augsburg; 25). 1446, Bavaria; 26). 1453, Franconis; 27). 1453, Breslau; 28). 1454, Wurzburg; 29). 1485, Vincenza (Italy); 30). 1492, Spain; 31). 1495, Lithuania; 32). 1497, Portugal; 33). 1499, Germany; 34). 1514, Strasbourg; 35). 1519, Regensburg; 36). 1540, Naples; 37). 1542, Bohemia; 38). 1550, Genoa; 39). 1551, Bavaria; 40). 1555, Pesaro; 41). 1559, Austria; 42). 1561, Prague; 43). 1567, Wurzburg, Genoese Republic; 44). 1569, Papal States; 45). 1571, Brandenburg; 46). 1582, Netherlands; 47). 1593, Brandenburg, Austria; 48). 1597, Cremona, Pavia & Lodi; 49). 1614, Frankfort; 50). 1615, Worms; 51). 1619, Kiev; 52). 1649, Ukraine; 53). 1654, LittleRussia; 54). 1656, Lithuania; 55). 1669, Oran (North Africa); 56). 1670, Vienna; 57). 1712, Sandomir; 58). 1727, Russia; 59). 1738, Wurtemburg; 60). 1740, LittleRussia; 61). 1744, Bohemia; 62). 1744, Livonia; 63). 1745, Moravia; 64). 1753, Kovad (Lithuania); 65). 1761, Bordeaux; 66). 1772, Jews deported to the Pale of Settlement (Russia); 67). 1775, Warsaw; 68). 1789, Alace; 69). 1804, Villages in Russia; 70). 1808, Villages & Countrysides (Russia); 71). 1815, Lubeck & Bremen; 72). 1815, Franconia, Swabia & Bavaria; 73). 1820, Bremes; 74). 1843, Russian Border Austria & Prussia; 75). 1862, Area in the U.S. under Grant's Jurisdiction; 76). 1866, Galatz, Romania; 77). 1919, Bavaria (foreign born Jews); 78). 1938-45, Nazi Controlled Areas; 79). 1948, Arab Countries.

The United Nations has time and again rebuked Israel for the violations of the laws of war and conquered territory. Time and again the U.N. commission on human rights has declared the actions of Israel in the occupied territories violate human rights and "constitute war crimes." They specify Israel's acts in the deportation. The decisive motivation for the settlement policy, given to the world, is based upon the so-called "historic-right" of the Jewish nation.

The basis for this belief, is in the permanent Jewish ties to "Eretz Israel" (the land of Israel), is the divine promise of God. No wonder that Menachem Begin called the territories "liberated" not "occupied." Addressing a crowd at Kadoum Settlement, manned by Ghoush Emunim, Begin said: "Judea and Samaria are Israeli land, belonging to the Jewish people, settlement is right and we have a duty to continue to fulfill that right and duty."

Vipers - Part 42

In addition to this supposed "historical right" the security argument forms the second important pillar of legitimacy for the Jewish settlements. According to the conception of Israeli politicians, the state still has no final "secure" border capable of defense. The new defense village settlements should help secure existing and possible future borders, in that they serve as the first military bulwark against possible Arab attacks.

Equally significant (to the settlements which have established an irrevocable condition) have been intimations from official quarters that Israel is planning to retain at least most, if not all, of the territories seized in 1967. This intention was clearly illustrated in a speech made by Mordechai Zippori, Israeli minister of energy, on October 10, 1982. The occasion was the opening ceremony of Inav, a new settlement, established on land seized from the villagers of Anabta, near Tulkarem.

Christians around the world have been deceived by their Judeo-Christian teachers that the Jews have a rightful claim to Palestine because it belongs to the descendants of the ancient Israelites. And stupidly await an attack on that little bastard country known today as Israel. But those who have studied history, know that the Russians have already invaded Palestine and conquered it! For the Jews that control Palestine today are the descendants of the Russian Khazars and are not the descendants of Abraham in any way. We know for two reasons that the Jews in Palestine today are not the rightful owners.

        1). The Jews who control Palestine today are the descendants of the Khazars and can be proven by reading the following books: Under the heading of A brief History of the Terms for Jew in the 1980 Jewish Almanac is the following: "Strictly speaking it is incorrect to call an Ancient Israelite a 'Jew' or to call a Contemporary Jew an Israelite or a Hebrew." (1980 Jewish Almanac, p. 3)

The World Book omits any reference to the Jews, but under the word Semite it states: "Semite...Semites are those who speak Semitic languages. In this sense the ancient Hebrews, Assyrians, Phoenicians, and Cartaginians were Semites. The Arabs and some Ethiopians are modern Semitic-speaking people. Modern Jews are often called Semites, but this name properly applies only to those who use the Hebrew Language. The Jews were once a sub-type of the Mediterranean race, but they have mixed with other peoples until the name 'Jew' has lost all Racial Meaning."

The History of the Jewish Khazars, by D.M. Dunlop, pp. 4-15; Benjamin Freeman, Facts Are Facts; Encyclopedia Americana (1985); Encyclopedia Britannica (15th edition); Academic American Encyclopedia (1985); Encyclopedia Americana (1985); The Jewish Encyclopedia; The Encyclopedia Judaica (1972); The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia; The Bible relates that the Khazar (Ashkenaz) Jews were/are the sons of Japheth not Shem: "Now these are the generations of the sons of Noah, Shem, Ham, and Japheth: and unto them were sons born after the flood. The sons of Japheth...the sons of Gomer; Ashkenaz..." (Genesis 10:1-3) So the Bible verifies that the Ashkenaz Jews (Khazars) are not the descendants of Shem and cannot be Semite.

The American People's Encyclopedia for 1954 at 15-292; Academic American Encyclopedia, Deluxe Library Edition, Volume 12, page 66; The New Encyclopedia Britannica, Volume 6, page 836; Collier's Encyclopedia, Volume 14, page 65; New Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII, page 173; The Cadillac Modern Encyclopedia, page 822; The Jewish Encyclopedia for 1925; The Jewish author, Arthur Koestler, In his 1976 best seller The Thirteenth Tribe; The Outline of History; Jewish author Alfred M. Lilienthal, in The Zionist Connection II, pages 759-768; Antiquities of the Jews, by Josephus, Book 13, ch. 9, sec. 1; Israel in Bible Prophecy; Palestine is Coming; The Conquest of A Continent, by Madison Grant, pp. 224-225; The Iron Curtain Over America, By John Beaty, pp. 15-16. And there are many more but space prohibits.

While it will be a surprise to many Christians:

Zionist Crimes Against Jews

When the Zionist ideology was born, its adherents were a rabble of malcontents, considered maniacs by the majority of Jews. Today the majority of American Jews have been lured and coerced into blindly supporting the Zionist ideology and the State of Israel, but before the Balfour Declaration most American Jews were opposed to Zionism. This opposition to Zionism among American Jews represented majority sentiment until World War II, when the Zionists silenced their opposition by threats and defamation, intrigue and deceit, and by outright lies creating a false feeling of guilt in American Jews because they had not previously supported the Zionist fallacy.

One of America's Jewish spiritual leaders, Rabbi Samuel Schulman, angered by the pretensions of the Zionists, described the "incompatibility of the Jewish homeland concept with the course of Jewish history" and forecast that "Zionism could bring the recrudescence of anti-Semitism." (Samuel Schulman, Why American Jews Consider Zionism Undesirable, Outlook, January 5, 1916, pp. 40-42)

Rabbi Schulman's remarks have been validated by history. The spiritual values of American Jews have been trampled underfoot by their irreligious pandering to the abominations committed in the name of Israel. Anti-Semitism, which was on the decline in 1916, was revived through Zionist intrigues to a greater than ever magnitude.

The Balfour Declaration evoked little support from American Jews. The Central Conference of American Rabbis "objected to the supposed unique status the Jews were to have in the Holy Land."  (We Owe this to the Memory of the Late Rabbi Levy, editorial in The Jewish Criterion (Pittsburgh, Pa.), November 16, 1917, p. 8) American Jews rightly called Zionism by the pejorative designation of "Ziomania, the momentary inebriation of morbid minds," and a "movement arresting the march of progress and tolerance." (Editorial, American Jewish World (Minneapolis, Minn.), July 5, 1918, p. 736)

The New York Times, in those days under the fearless ownership of a great Jewish American editor and anti-Zionist, Adolph Ochs, dared to expose the fact that Palestine was no solution to the Jewish problem. (Henry Moskowitz, Palestine Not a Solution of Jewish Problem, New York Times, June 10, 1917, pp. 10-11) The fallacy of the Zionists' biblical arguments was openly exposed by Jewish theologians. (Zionism and Bible Exegesis, editorial in The American Jewish World, December 28, 1917, p. 288)  That a Jewish State would in fact be a misfortune for the Jewish people could be openly discussed in mainstream Jewish American publications. (A Jewish State Would Be a Misfortune for Israel, editorial in The American Jewish World, July 19, 1918, p. 769) The Union of American Hebrew Congregations could openly brand Zionism as a "menace to Jewish unity." (The Union of American Hebrew Congregations and Zionism, Jewish Comment. February 9, 1917, p. 178) Ambassador Henry Morgenthau, the most prominent American Jew in public life, could champion Americanisms among Jews as the opposite of Zionism. (Henry Morgenthau, Palestine and the American Jews, The American Hebrew (New York, N.Y.) December 14, 1971, p. 178)

But the opposition to nascent Zionist power among American Jews was accompanied by signs of the gangster methods used by the Zionists to silence their opponents: character assassination, lies, deceit and extortion were their criminal instruments then, as now. American Jews of 1918 abhorred the Zionist methods. No one in America had ever tried to silence them before. That the Zionists would ultimately succeed in destroying the practical exercise of free speech among American Jews, and then among American Christians, on any questions relating to Palestine, was thought not possible, just as most Germans considered that the Nazi methods would never succeed. But both the Nazis and the Zionists used the method of the "Big Lie," accompanied by threats and the use of force to destroy their enemies.

The Zionists showed total disregard of the truth, just as they do today. Anti-Zionist American Jews subjected to Zionist calumny and smear tactics attacked the Zionist perversion of truth. (Why Pervert the Truth? Editorial in The Jewish Tribune (Portland, Ore.), September 28, 1917, p. 4) The Jewish Tribune editorialized against the Zionists: "Prove Your Sanity." (Prove Your Sanity. Editorial in The Jewish Tribune, September 28, 1917, p. 4) The Jewish Criterion editorialized against the Zionist goals and methods: "Let Us Nail Our Colors to the Mast." (Let Us Nail Our Colors to the Mast, editorial in The Jewish Criterion, August 26, 1918, p. 17) "Shall the Anti-Zionists Be Silent?" as the New Jewish Chronicle. (Shall the Anti-Zionists Be Silent? The New Jewish Chronicle, November, 1918, p. 17) Thoughtful American Jews could sense that with these Zionist gangsters they were confronted by a different kind of force; people who did not care about rational discourse, people who did not care about objective facts. They learned that well-meaning people who urged a dialogue with the Zionists were asking the impossible, dialogue with brainwashed zealots who rejected the very concept of rational dialogue. Even today, when the Zionists claims to ask for a dialogue, in fact they ask for surrender.

Adolf Hitler, in his Mein Kampf, wrote: "None but members of the Nation may be citizens of the State. None but those of German blood, whatever their creed, may be members of the Nation. No Jew, therefore, may be a member of the Nation." (Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf (London; 1939), Volume I, p. 273)

In Israel today it is openly proclaimed that none but those of Jewish blood may be members of the Nation. No Arab, therefore, may be a member of the Nation. Apologists for the Nazis excused them as just another political movement. Apologists for the Zionists also excused them as just another political movement. But some American Jews recognized Zionism for what it was, a "menace." (The Program of Zionism as a Menace to Jewish Unity, Current Opinion, February 1918, pp. 121-122) and some American Jews saw the real issue: "America or Palestine - Which?" (America or Palestine - Which? Editorial in The Modern View (St. Louis, Mo.), December 7, 1917, pp. 1 and 4) The Zionists targeted those American Jews for destruction, a dress-rehearsal for their present destruction of any American Christian who does not give them 100% unwavering support.

Before coming to power in Germany, the Nazis conducted smear campaigns against their political enemies. Even violence was not excluded. The Zionists' techniques against their Jewish and non-Jewish opponents have always been the same. For that reason the Zionists and Nazis were not strange bed-fellows during the Third Reich. In fact, "the Zionists enjoyed a visibly protected political status in Germany" during the early days of Nazi rule. Goebbels' newspaper even struck a commemorative coin in honor of Nazi-Zionist collusion, "On one side was a swastika. On the other side a Star of David." (Edwin Black, The Transfer Agreement: The Untold Story of the Secret Pact Between the Third Reich and Jewish Palestine (New York: Macmillan, 1984), p. 174)

In Nazi Germany German Christians and Social Democrats were the first inmates of the Nazi concentration camps. There were also some German Jews in these early Nazi concentration camps, but they were anti-Zionist and anti-Nazi German Jews. The Zionists Jews were the Nazi collaborators against the anti-Zionist German Jews. This perfidy of the Zionists is today hidden or glossed over. No one asks how many Americans of German Jewish origins have relatives who lost their lives and property, not, as the Zionist myth says, because there then was not a Jewish State, but because the Zionists were Hitler's allies.

Documentary evidence shows that the Zionists shared the Nazis' scientifically false and spiritually wrong concept of race. When German Jews were watching their property being confiscated and were being subjected to a barrage of racist Nazi hate propaganda, the Zionist racists were completely in accord with the Nazi goal of racial purity. A secret document sent to the Nazi party by the German central organization of Zionists, Zionistiche Vereinigung fur Deutschland, on June 21, 1933 applauds the Nazis on the "foundation of the New German State, which has established the principle of race" and declares that "assimilated Jews must fee the determination that they belong to Jewry, to the Jewish race and past." (Lenni Brenner, Zionism in the Age of Dictators (Westport: Lawrence Hill, 1983), pp. 48-49)

Most German Jews at the time were assimilated Jews, feeling that they belonged to American culture and nationality. To the Zionists, these American Jews were also the principal enemy, not the American anti-Semites. The Zionists were, and are, committed to the false belief that the Jews are a race and nation. Religion to them has one primary value and purpose: to support the idea that the Jews are a race and a nation. The Jewish Quarterly Review of April, 1936 punctured the Zionist myths in an article, The Jews: Race, Nation or Religion - Which? (Solomon Zeitling, The Jews: Race, Nation or Religion - Which? The Jewish Quarterly Review (Philadelphia, Pa.), April, 1936, pp. 337-347) But the Zionist were adept at misusing the sympathy Jews felt at the fate of their co-religionists. The Zionist takeover of America's Jewish institutions was only possible because for them the worse the fate of non-Zionist Jews, the better for Zionism.

Tribute must be paid to those Jews who tried to prevent Zionism. Theirs was a lonely battle. The Palestinian Arabs sensed the menace of Zionism, but most Christians had not the slightest idea that if the Zionists destroyed the anti-Zionist Jews, the Christians were be the next victims of the Zionists. Today's situation in which, through intrigue, America has been reduced in its Middle East policy to something like a quasi-colony of the Zionist State, could have been prevented.

The strength of organized American Jewry has left a list of patriotic American Senators and Congressmen. Senator J. William Fulbright Senator Charles Percy, Congressman John Rarick, Congressman "Pete" McCloskey, and congressman Paul Findley are among others who were silenced or politically destroyed by the Zionists. But the first political victim of the Zionist conspirators in America was a Jewish Republican, Congressman Julius Kahn.

Congressman Julius Kahan of San Francisco was the most prominent Jewish American Member of the U.S. House of Representatives at the time of the Paris Peace Conference following World War I. If some Christian statesmen of the time, such as the Jewish President Woodrow Wilson, were under the control of the Zionists, Congressman Kahn opposed Zionism without ambiguity or reservation. He knew that Zionism was a danger to America, to Judaism, to Palestine, and, indeed, to the whole world. He came out openly in opposition to Zionism. (Kahn Opposes Zionism, New York Times, February 6, 1919, p. 24)

In March of 1919 Congressman Kahn, supported by Rabbi Henry Berkowitz, founder of the Jewish Chautauqa Society, and Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania, presented a petition opposing Zionism at Versailles and Washington. Two hundred and ninety-nine signatures of prominent American Jews from thirty-one American cities were affixed to the petition. They included Rabbi Henry Cohen of Galveston, Rabbi Isaac Landman of New York, George Oakes-Ochs, Ambassador Henry Morgenthau, David Belasco, and Daniel Frohman, joined together in protest against Zionism. (Prominent Jews Protest Against Zionism, The Jewish Review and Observer (Cleveland, Ohio), March 14, 1919, pp. 1 and 4)

The main provisions of the Kahn petition were objection to the segregation of the Jews as an alleged national unit; protest against the Zionist reversal of a Jewish historical trend toward emancipation; objection that Zionism annulled minority rights of Jews in the lands of their birth; accused Zionism of creating dangers of hypenism, dual allegiance, disloyalty and a fostering of anti-Semitism; and objection to Palestine as physically unsuited to be a Jewish homeland.

Congressman Kahn mobilized the majority of American Jews against the Zionist menace. (Most Jews Oppose Zionism, Says Kahn, New York Times, March 9, 1919, p. 9) Aldolph Ochs in the New York Times publicized American Jewish protests against the Zionist ideology (Protest to Wilson on Zionist Message, New York Times, September 6, 1918, p. 9) and American Jewish protests against the very idea of a Jewish State. (Protest to Wilson Against Zionist State, New York Times, March 5, 1919, p. 7) The New York times, under Adolph Ochs and Arthur Hays Sulzberger, clearly saw the danger in Zionism. (Sees Danger in Zionism, New York Times, September 14, 1918, p. 7) They were not afraid to clearly state why most American Jews did not favor Zionism. (Why Most American Jews Do Not Favor Zionism, New York Times, September 14, 1918, p. 7) The Literary Digest was not afraid to publish "The Case Against Zionism." (The Case Against Zionism, Literary Digest, June 14, 1919, pp. 30-31) The American Hebrew could proudly proclaim: "Zionism is Dead! Long Live Judaism." (Editorial in The American Hebrew, February 7, 1919, p. 315) But an evil bacillus is not so easily destroyed. Through character assassination and intrigue the Zionists ultimately captured the New York Times.

Anti-Zionist American Jews were not taken in by the Zionist mythology that Palestine "was a land without a people for a people without a land." They saw the danger to the indigenous Palestinian Arab population whose basic right to the land made it "impossible to give Palestine to the Jews." (William T. Ellis, Impossible to Give Palestine to the Jews, The American Hebrew, July 18, 1919, p. 231) They saw that the serpentine lies of the Zionists would ultimately lead to the philosophy prevailing among the Zionist rulers of Occupied Palestine today, adequately expressed by Meir Indor, a spokesman for the Gush Emunim settlement of Kiryat Arba: "The Arabs must know that there is a master here, the Jewish people. it rules over Eretz Israel. The Arabs are temporary dwellers who happen to live in the country. There are commandments in the Bible concerning such temporary dwellers and we should act accordingly." (The Truth About Kiryat Arba Men, at-Hamishmar, February 8, 1980)

This Nazi-like "herrenvolk" principle was anathema to truly religious American Jews, who believed that "Thou shalt not Kill" and "Thou shalt not Steal" were commandments reflecting the Jewish ideals and that the idea of the Zionist State was "putting false gods before me." (Here we can see the Jewish Hegailian Dialectics in action. They pretend to be honest and above board, and state it in many volumes of literature, but they are secretly adherents to every facet of the Talmud) On March 28, 1991, The American Hebrew editorialized "Arabs Oppose Zionism," and threw its support tot he indigenous Palestinian Arabs against the Zionist intruders. (Arabs Oppose Zionism, The American Hebrew, March 28, 1919, p. 467)

Continue on to:- Part 43

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