Reparations:   For Whites

"While inflaming the negro minority against the Whites, we will
endeavor to instill in the Whites a guilt complex for their exploitation of
the negroes, we will  aid the negroes to rise in prominence in every walk of
life, in the professions, and in the world of sports and entertainment.
With this prestige, the negro will be able to intermarry with the Whites and
begin a process that will deliver America to our cause."

Israel Cohen in 1919, one of the founders of the American Communist Party

Of the 33 million black Americans, only 8,724,000 work full time, and they earn an average of only $21,593 per year.  This might not sound like much, but it's 35 times as much as they would earn if they lived in Africa, where their 900 million black cousins earn an average of $600 per year.  This would appear to be a grand contribution to the US economy of $188.4 billion, except that 48.9% of the 6,989,000 black families with wages and salaries include a member who is ACTUALLY on work disability.  Yes, you heard that right--of the 6,989,000 black families which many statistical sources report to be working families, 3,418,000 of them are instead on work disability, which reduces their actual net contribution to GDP to $114.9 billion.


The 12% minority of the American population which is blacks doesn't even contribute as much as 1.4% to GDP, though, because American blacks as a group consume $4.40 in social transfer payments for every dollar they earn in the work force.


The most easily measured social transfer payment is welfare, which the Heritage Foundation estimated to be $330 billion per year in 1993.  In spite of all the political rhetoric recently about welfare reform, government spending continued inexorably upward since then, and it is predicted that welfare costs now exceed $434 billion per year.  The Census Bureau reports that Blacks & Hispanics receive 46.1% of this, or $200 billion. 

welf_1.gif (11899 bytes)


There are numerous other costs which are not so easily measured.  American blacks were the primary reason that the cost of education in the US increased from 4.8% of GDP to 7.8% in less than half a century.  This extra 3% is another $270 billion per year, paid for by Whites but for which American blacks were the primary beneficiaries--if there were any beneficiaries.


Another hard to measure cost is the murder of 36,000 Whites by blacks over the last four decades.  But if we placed a value per life lost at $1 million, then American blacks owe us another $36 billion.  To be fair, we should subtract from that the 12,000 blacks who were murdered by Whites during that time, and apply the same $1 million per life, which would reduce that figure to a mere $24 billion

"A mere $24 billion"?  If American blacks weren't receiving all of these social transfer payments from Whites, if it weren't for affirmative action and the Equal Pay Act, or more directly, if all 33 million black Americans were living in Africa right now and and if the 3,571,000 blacks who are actually working here were earning the average wage of their black cousins in Africa, it would take 100% of their incomes for more than 11 years to pay just this part back.


To pay back the other $694 billion in social transfer payments to American blacks every year would take 100% of their incomes for more than 324 years.


These losses are just the beginning.   Murder is just one of the many crimes committed by blacks which Whites must foot the bill for.  There are 1 million American blacks in jails and prisons right now who require another two million jailers, prison guards, justice workers, judges, lawyers, social workers, psychiatrists, and doctors  just to support their incarceration.   When the lost opportunity cost of the money and people who would otherwise be in the civilian labor force, overhead, retirement benefits, facilities, construction costs, food, medicine, etc., are taken into account, American blacks cost White Americans another $400 billion per year.

The Sources of Income for the 6,989,000 American Black Families With Salaries and Incomes Billions of US Dollars Table Number in 2000 Statistical Abstract of the United States
Wages and salaries of 9,776,000 American blacks $188.4 751

Less 3,418,000 on work disability

73.5 619

Less 900,000 working for the DOD

19.8 576

Less 200,000 in the Ready Reserve

3.0 587

Less 57,000 in the National Guard

1.0 589

Less 800,000 working for the federal government

22.0 556

Less 3,000,000 working for state and local governments

90.0 525

Less overlap of above employment estimates


Net contribution to Economic Productivity = $1,288 per American Black

Total annual social transfer payments to American blacks 694  


200 602, 603 & 605

Extra education costs

270 240 & 242

Reparations for murder

24 335

Incarceration costs

200 367 & 368
Net Loss to GDP =  -$19,742 per American black -$651.5  


For every dollar earned by an American black in the work force, American White men must pay them another $4.40 just for the privilege of freeing their former slaves, which caused another even more serious problem--the deterioration of the Second Amendment right to bear arms.   Solely and only because blacks abuse this right, the right of Whites to bear arms is being threatened.   How can a value be added to the right of American Whites to protect themselves?


There are many other ways besides these social transfer payments that black Americans cheat American taxpayers.  The following story about how 12,000 black farmers managed to extort $600 million from the USDA isn't even included in any of the estimates on this page. 


Another one comes from the US Statistical Abstract available from which shows that 24.6% of these "working" black families are also on social security, 8.9% receive SSI, 13.3% receive public assistance, 8.2% receive unemployment benefits, 2.2% receive workers' compensation, 9.9% receive child support, 9.9% receive education assistance, 3.5% are in head start programs, and 106.3% receive food stamps.  It's possible that 100% of the black families with wages and salaries receive one form or another of social transfer payments. One third of those who receive social security payments (a putative retirement income) neither contributed to social security in the first place nor are they retired.  With only

  Number Percent of Black Families With Wages and Salaries
American black population 32,900,000  
Blacks in work force 8,724,000 124.8%
Black families 8,408,000 120.3%
Black families with wages and salaries 6,989,000 100%
Receiving work disability 3,418,000 48.9%
Wage & salary families less families receiving work disability 3,571,000 51.1%
Receiving social security 1,717,000 24.6%
Receiving SSI 621,000 8.9%
Receiving public assistance 928,000 13.3%
Receiving unemployment benefits 574,000 8.2%
Receiving workers'compensation 151,000 2.2%
Receiving child support 694,000 9.9%
Receiving education assistance 690,000 9.9%
Receiving food stamps 7,248,000 106.3%
Head start program 296,000 4.2%


bulletWho is the slave now?
bulletGenocide by blacks against Whites.

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: Popularity of Reparations for Slavery Growing
: Wires
: Tuesday, Feb. 6, 2001
: CHICAGO (UPI) - The sign in front of Christ Apostolic Church reads:
: "Black Reparations Now."
: The church is in Woodlawn, a neighborhood on the South Side where you
: don't want to be after the sun sets. Woodlawn is littered by vacant lots
: and pockets of poverty, crime, unemployment and despair decades after
: the hopeful optimism of the '60s civil rights era faded into broken
: dreams in this part of town.
: "It's starting here," said Dr. Leon Finney, national co-chair of the
: National Reparations Convention, which met Feb. 1-4 at the McCormick
: Place Exposition Center.
: The veteran community organizer and other leaders want to see the
: reparations issue become more mainstream.
: "This movement is a worldwide movement. It is not a new movement.
: This is an old movement. It is as old as slavery," Finney said.
: Chicago Alderman Dorothy Tillman, organizer of the weekend convention,
: said reparations for slavery is the movement of the millennium.
: Tillman, who marched with Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., sponsored City
: Council hearings last year that led Chicago in May to pass a resolution
: supporting reparations for the descendants of black slaves. Mayor
: Richard M. Daley gave the issue his support.
: "It's not becoming a movement. It is a movement," Tillman told United
: Press International. "It is all over this country and the shocking thing
: about it is it is not just a black movement. She said white students at
: the University of Illinois-Chicago were doing research for reparations
: groups.
: "It's a movement that's much greater. It's going to surprise some
: folks. . We have representation from all over this country."
: Saturday morning's opening convention session was broadcast live on
: WVON-AM, a black-oriented talk radio station.
: LeGrand Cleggh, city attorney for Compton, Calif., said he and Chicago
: attorney Lewis Meyers were doing legal research on every aspect of
: reparations.
: "Large numbers of white men impregnated black women during slavery and
: abandoned their children. Now that's child support," said Cleggh, "whole
: generations who were never cared for." Compton last year passed a
: reparations resolution patterned after Chicago's.
: About 80 organizers from around the nation met in closed session Sunday
: to develop plans to mobilize black communities and to forge a common
: reparations agenda.
: Advocates, notably NCOBRA, the National Coalition of Blacks for
: Reparations in America, the National Black United Front and the Republic
: of New Afrika, want trillions of dollars for the hundreds of years of
: free labor their ancestors provided and degradation they suffered. Some
: favor a lump-sum, while others say reparations are about more than money
: and should be part of initiatives to improve education, economic
: development, employment and housing.
: "Reparations have got to mean we take responsibility for ourselves,"
: Finney said.
: Tillman did not discuss what form reparations should take or put a
: dollar figure on the cost.
: "We have every region represented here," Tillman said. "We think we will
: be able to present to this government, to this country, a plan for
: reparations.
: "There several schools of thought out here. There are people like
: [historian] Dr. Lerone Bennett who think we should have a Marshall
: Plan . and there others who think maybe we need money, others who think
: land, others say education, others who say 'give us a ticket out of
: here.' So there's all kind of thought. When you deal with a Marshall
: Plan you almost deal with all those things people are talking about."
: Gen. George Marshall became U.S. secretary of state and in 1947 put
: together an economic plan to rebuild a Europe devastated by World War
: II. The United States sent about $13 billion in development aid, food
: and machinery to Europe before the plan ended in 1952.
: Tillman said the free labor of blacks had built America.
: "Had it not been for slaves, had it not been for my ancestors, people
: would not be coming to America," she said. "Black labor, white wealth."
: She said the conference also discussed the whole psychological effect of
: slavery - "post-traumatic slavery syndrome" - affecting both blacks and
: whites.
: "We can move this issue of reparations to the forefront," said Rep.
: Bobby Rush, D-Ill., a former Black Panther leader and now a Baptist
: minister and U.S. congressman. "The reparations movement is a campaign
: for African-Americans that emerged 100 years ago when the newly freed
: slaves cried out for restitution for centuries of stolen labor, cultural
: degradation and dehumanization."
: Rush said there are precedents for reparations, citing Germany's
: restitution to Jewish victims of the Nazi Holocaust and to slave
: laborers, and Australia's land grants to indigenous aborigines in 1976.
: In 1988, Japanese-Americans received $25,000 apiece and an apology from
: the U.S. government for their internment during World War II.
: "So this isn't anything new. This is past historical precedent," he
: said.
: Rush said reparations debates must move beyond academia and the halls of
: Congress, where Rep. John Conyers for years has sponsored a measure
: seeking national reparations hearings.
: "This reparations movement has to move into our churches, to our barber
: shops, to our beauty shops. This reparations movement has to move into
: the agendas of everyday ordinary people," Rush said.
: NCOBRA spokeswoman Erline Aripo said activists were preparing a
: class-action lawsuit for reparations against the federal government that
: would address the racial discrimination that persists today. Possible
: litigation will be discussed at the group's 12th Annual Reparations
: Convention June 22-24 at Southern University in Baton Rouge, La.
: A poll on the Web site shows only 13 percent of 5,778 people
: who responded support reparations for slavery while 86 percent did not
: and 1 percent were undecided.
: =================
: Copyright 2000 by United Press International.

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"The Clinton $600 Million Farm Loan Ripoff

Reed Irvine

Feb. 22, 2001

How would you like to get $50,000 tax-free from Uncle Sam by just writing a
letter and getting a friend to attest to your claim that you had applied to
the Department of Agriculture for a farm loan and had been turned down
because of your race? Impossible, you say? Not if you were black and had
joined in a class-action lawsuit known as Pigford vs. Glickman (Dan
Glickman, Clinton's last secretary of agriculture).

On Jan. 17, 2001, as the Clinton era was coming to an end, the Department of
Agriculture (USDA) Web site showed that 12,000 blacks who had joined the
lawsuit had qualified to receive $50,000 tax-free. They claimed that they
had applied for government farm loans between Jan. 1, 1981, and Dec. 31,
1996, and had been turned down because of race.

They didn't have to submit any proof. All they needed was one person, not a
family member, who would attest to the validity of their claim.

Because the USDA did not keep records of rejected loans for more than three
years, it had no documentation to verify or disprove claims of loan
applications made before 1996. Nevertheless, 8,000 claims were rejected as
obvious frauds.

These lax requirements had been included in the consent decree, much to the
disgust of some government attorneys. A veteran Justice Department lawyer
says this was done on orders of political appointees who saw it as an
opportunity to help poor blacks. He says the consent decree was used because
it was irreversible. A USDA attorney believes that it was employed to
minimize adverse publicity about discriminatory lending practices at the
USDA by keeping the suit from going to trial. He says the Democrats saw it
as a way of getting out the black vote in last year's election.

When Judge Paul Friedman certified the suit for class action status in
October 1998, the plaintiffs' attorneys estimated that 2,500 claims might be
filed by October 1999, the agreed closing date. A USDA costly advertising
campaign resulted in 20,000 blacks joining the suit. That exceeded the total
number of black farmers in the country. Most of these claims were filed
after the two-year statute of limitations for filing discrimination suits
had expired, but prodded by the Congressional Black Caucus, Congress waived
the statute of limitations for claims from 1981 through 1995.

That opened the door wide for fraud, because the only records USDA kept that
far back were for loans that had been made. Because it had the records, most
of the claims of discriminatory treatment in those cases were rejected, but
the cost for each successful claimant was higher. In addition to being paid
$50,000 tax-free, any balance due on their loans was forgiven.

The USDA had records on fewer than 10 percent of the successful claimants.
There is no way of knowing how many of the others ever had any contact with
the USDA, but they all get their $50,000 checks.

Much of the blame for this fiasco lies with Judge Paul Friedman, a Clinton
appointee, and with Clinton's Secretary of Agriculture Dan Glickman.
Glickman did not defend his employees from unfair charges of racism. The
judge has now extended the deadline for new applicants to get on this gravy
train. An additional 5,000 have done so, and thousands more are lined up
hoping they too will be approved.

The General Accounting Office is looking into the matter, asking why so many
people who collected $50,000 appear to have no connection with agriculture.

People who are told about this story invariably find it astonishing and
wonder why they haven't seen anything about it in the establishment media.
If unchecked, this ripoff could expand and spread to other groups, costing
the taxpayers billions of dollars.

Last October, three Hispanics claiming to represent 20,000 Hispanic farmers
filed a suit very similar to Pigford vs. Glickman. A group of American
Indians has filed a similar suit, seeking $1 million each. Just before the
statute of limitations waiver expired, a group of Asian-Americans and a
group of women filed similar suits.

Even a mainly white group has filed a suit on behalf of non-black farmers.
The Justice Department is very serious about fighting that one. If it
proceeds, perhaps the media will decide it is time to pitch in and try to
bring this outrageous raid on the treasury to an end."

From Rick Johnson Sun Aug 18 04:49:38 2002
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A few thousand black demonstrators rallied on the Mall
Rick Johnson
Aug 18, 2002 09893&dt=20020817184300&w=RTR&coview=

US Black Demonstrators Demand Slavery Reparations

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - A few thousand black demonstrators rallied on the Mall in Washington on Saturday to demand that the U.S. government pay blacks reparations for slavery and decades of discrimination.

"I want to go up to the closest white person and say, 'You can't understand this, it's a black thing,' and then slap him, just for my mental health," Charles Barron, a member of the New York City Council, told the crowd.

The demonstrators, numbering about 2,000 to 3,000, came from all parts of the United States, many traveling by bus from as far away as Texas. With the U.S. Capitol in the background, they chanted "Black power! Reparations!" and "Start the Revolution!"

"Apologize White America," said a sign carried by one demonstrator.

Barron, a self-proclaimed "elected revolutionary," said if the government did not act swiftly he personally would storm the Treasury Department and take the money for reparations.

Black activist Louis Farrakhan told the crowd, "America owes the black people a lot for what they've endured."

"We need land for political independence, we need millions of acres," Farrakhan added. "We need payment for 310 years of slavery, of destruction of our minds and the robbery of our culture."

The United States, torn apart by the Civil War, abolished slavery in 1865. Some people argue that even 137 years after abolition, blacks still suffer from the vestiges of slavery.

U.S. Rep. John Conyers, a Democrat from Michigan, urged blacks to press their elected representatives in Congress to deal with the issue of slavery reparations.

"We want reparations -- not next century, not 10 years from now, but now," Conyers said. "These wrongs can only be corrected in the House of Representatives, only Congress can do what we want now. All congressmen ought to be here today."

Conyers has backed legislation that would require the House of Representatives to study slavery's effects on blacks.

Demonstrators said blacks deserved "long overdue" reparations, noting compensation won by Jews in the aftermath of the Nazi Holocaust and Japanese-Americans for their internment by the United States in camps during World War II.

The turnout was smaller than the tens of thousands of demonstrators forecast by organizers of the "Millions for Reparations" movement. But those who traveled to Washington said they believed the rally would make a difference.

"You have to really make some noise just to be heard," Edna Russell, who traveled from Denver, told Reuters.

Kobina Abew, an American citizen from Ghana dressed in a colorful African gown, said, "It's going to be very effective. It's going to bring a solution to this problem, I believe."