The Destruction of Zoroastrian Persia and Christian Russia - an Anaology

Islam, like Communism, rode into a political vacuum.

"Islam was born when two great Empires of the Near and Middle East [Persian and Greek] had exhausted one another in a long series of wars. The Byzantines were hated by their Semitic and Coptic subjects...They were, after all, interlopers in the Semitic world, heirs of a different culture and language."---A. Guillaume, Islam, p. 78.

The centuries of WARFARE in which Byzantium and Persia had hammered away against each other had debilitated both, leaving the wide swath of territory for which they fought largely defensless against the Arab invaders.

Similarly, the WAR between Russia and Germany (WWI) benefited only one group, the Communists, who in general had been careful to avoid involvement in this bloody and totally mad internecine carnage. Russian losses were so heavy amongst those who would normally have contained Communist revolutionary violence that the Judeo-Bolsheviks were able to seize control of the entire Russian empire.

Igor Shafarevich, a mathematician and member of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences, has sharply criticized the Jewish role in bringing down the Romanov monarchy and establishing Communist rule in his country. Shafarevich argues that during the Bolshevik Revolution, Jews occupied many top leadership positions and that their activities during this period and later were motivated by hostility to Russians and their culture.

Shafarevich claims that Jews were critically involved in actions that destroyed traditional Russian institutions, and he stresses the Jewish role in liquidating Russian (and other Slavic) nationalists and undermining Russian patriotism, murdering the Czarist family, dispossessing the kulaks, and destroying the Orthodox Church.

He views "Russophobia" not as a unique phenomenon, but as resulting from traditional Jewish hostility toward the gentile world considered tref (unclean) and toward gentiles themselves considered as sub-human and as worthy of destruction. (Source: K. MacDonald, 1998, p. 60)

See also:

"Clearly one of the themes of post-Enlightenment Judaism has been the rapid upward mobility of Jews and attempts by gentile power structures to limit Jewish access to power and social status...Jewish participation in radical movements in Russia was motivated by perceived Jewish interest in overthrowing the czarist regime...Jewish political radicalism in czarist Russia must be understood as resulting from economic restrictions on Jews that were enforced by the government in the context of considerable Jewish poverty and a very rapid Jewish demographic increase..."


Justification for crossing into the territories of the Sassanians (neo-Persians) came from Muhammad himself, who had spoken of the riches of Persia that were destined to belong to the Arabs. "The Arabs inherited the energy that the two powers wasted on the conflict. In the long run, for both Rome and Persia, victory proved to be little more than a mirage."

- Rome's Persian Mirage
Instability continued because of Sassanid aggression and Roman overextension. 

By Barry S. Strauss for MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History Magazine

Iranianness has an important theme in modern Persian literature from its very beginnings. As part of the answer to the question of self-definition, some Persian Iranian writers, like Mohammad Ali Jamalzadeh, Sadeq Chubak, Mehdi Akhavan Sales, and Nader Naderpour, have used images of Arabs to define Iran as a nation and themselves as Iranian in contrast to an Arab Other. Sadeq Hedayat loathes the Arab Other, and abhors Islam as an Arab religion.

In "Seeking Absolution" and Parvin the Sasanid Girl, he portrays Arabs as darkskinned, dirty, diseased, ugly, stupid, cruel and shameless, bestial and demonic. Moreover, Hedayat portrays present-day Iranian Muslims as corrupt and hypocritical. Only his Sasanid Iranians are attractive, courageous, intelligent, cultured and virtuous.

Hedayat idealizes the pre-Islamic, Zoroastrian past as the Golden Age of Iran. In his view, Iran's true cultural identity, shared with Aryan India, was destroyed by the Arab Muslim invaders, who replaced Iran's superior civilization with the brutal and bloodthirsty culture and religion of their own. Hedayat, often admired as a writer of sensitivity and progressive human values, espouses Western racism and anti-Semitism. He believes that Aryan Iranians are racially superior to the Semitic Arabs. Sadeq Chubak's view differs only somewhat from that of Hedayat.

In The Patient Stone, Iranian rootlessness and alienation are the result of history: the Arab Muslims destroyed a great Iranian civilization and could not replace it. Iranians, both individually and socially, have consequently suffered because they were cut off from their own, true Iranian history, art, and culture. Chubak's characters also reveal racist thinking, and a level of anti-Arab sentiment throughout The Patient Stone. Chubak portrays the Arab Other as hypocritical, ugly and cruel, while the Iranian Self has been defeated and further corrupted by Semitic hypocrisy in the form of Islam, for Chubak sees the institution of Shi'i Islam in Iran only as a tool for oppression. At the same time, he rejects Iranian chauvinism. Zoroastrianism and the history of Iranian kings hold no answers either. Indeed, Chubak goes so far as to equate Zoroastrianism with Islam, and to reject both.

However, he rejects Islam on two levels: because it is a religion, which in Chubak's view offers no answers, and because it is an Arab religion. For Chubak, there are no answers; life is indeed without meaning. However, alienation and existential despair are both universal, and historically and culturally specific. Existential despair informs the Self more than categories of Iranianness or Arabness, yet Chubak maintains those categories as well. While Chubak rejects Aryanism, his writings do support anti-Semitism.

Mehdi Akhavan Sales, like Hedayat, blames the Muslim Arab invaders for destroying Iran's true cultural identity and longs for a return to pre-Islamic Zoroastrian culture and greatness. According to "The Ending of the Shahnameh," the ending of Zoroastrian Iranian cultures with the defeat of the Sasanid empire and the coming of Islam has resulted in ruin and despair, which can be resolved only by returning to Iran's pre-Islamic golden age.

The Iranian Self was pure, bright and beautiful, but has been corrupted by the Arab Other, false, dark, and evil. Akhavan decries "Semitic and Arabic and Islamic" influence on the "heritage of our own Aryan ancestors." In so doing he echoes Hedayat's view of Iranians and Arabs as two different and unequal races, one Aryan and superior, the other Semitic and inferior. Nader Naderpour rejects Arabs and Islam as alien, and fundamentally opposed to the true Iranian culture and values.

"Here and There" repeats the same image of Arabs as found in Hedayat and Akhavan, as savage, alien intruders who have destroyed a superior Iranian civilization. Nader Naderpour portrays the Arab Other as dark, savage and inhuman, in images of the irrational, blood and the moon; he portrays the Iranian Self as the creator of an enlightened civilization in images of Zoroastrian fire, the sun and springtime. Naderpour sees Islam not so much as wrong in itself, but wrong because it is Arab, and therefore backward and cruel.

In "Here and There," Naderpour compares the establishment of the Islamic Republic to the Arab Muslim conquest of the Sasanid empire, and suggests that it is in fact a continuation of that same defeat of superior Iranian culture at the hands of the ignorant and intolerant Arabs. In Naderpour's view, to be a devout Muslim, or a supporter of the Islamic Republic of Iran, is to be Arab and therefore not Iranian, indeed therefore almost less than human. Like Hedayat, Chubak and Akhavan, his is an anti-Islamic and anti-Semitic view.




Wealthy Jews were involved in the financing of World War I (Jews "played a prominent part in organizing the German war economy") [MOSSE, W., 1987, p. 257] as well as earlier German wars of unification. Geran Bleichroeder's money, for instance, was notable in 1866, during fighting between Prussia and Austria. The Philipp Speyer firm in Germany was involved in arranging credit for the United States during its Civil War and was involved in financing the building of railroads across America. [GROSS, N., p. 219] Earlier, Daniel Franks "was instrumental in raising money for the British army during the French and Indian War with the aid of his brother, Moses, a London financier." [GROSS, N., p. 223] Mayer Amschel Rothschild's "great fortune was acquired by hiring [William IX's] troops, as mercenaries to the British in the American Revolutionary War." [OSBORNE, S., 1939, p. 15] Conversely, Haym Solomon, an immigrant from Poland, helped secure credit for the American Revolution from France and the Netherlands. In Germany, "through [Ludwig] Loewe's brother Isidor (1848-1910) and jointly with the firm of Mauser, an order of unprecedented magnitude was obtained for equipping the Turkish army." [GIDAL, p. 266] After a merger with the Mauser company, this company "was supplying half the armies of the world with rifles." [BERMANT, C., 1977, p. 74] The London Rothschilds "found the 20,000,000 pounds to compensate slave owners after the abolition of slavery in the British Empire in 1833. In 1854 a 16,000,000 pound loan to finance the Crimean War was launched through the House of Rothschild, and in 1871 they raise 100,000,000 pounds to help France pay her war indemnity to Prussia. " [BERMANT, C., 1977, p. 40]
     "Among the branches of trade in which Jews achieved special prominence," underscores Jewish scholar W.E. Mosse, "the outstanding one in the early nineteenth century was, undoubtably, war contracting. It was this activity which may be said to have laid the foundations of the fortunes of the German-Jewish economic elite. This was, unquestionably, the major source of early Jewish capital accumulation." [MOSSE, W., 1987, p. 386] Mosse suggest that some of the reasons why war profiteering became such an important source of Jewish economic activity was rooted in "the quasi-monopoly" they held in the European agricultural produce trade and "corruption in business dealings" with "those responsible for awarding military contracts." [MOSSE, W., 1987, p. 388] Eventually Jews rose to become "prominent" even in the armaments industry itself, including weapons and ammunition. (Even Chaim Weizmann, a chemist and eventually the first president of modern Israel, was instrumental in providing acetone as an explosive ingredient for British heavy artillery at a crucial time during the first World War. Weizmann's efforts helped secure formal British government support for the principle of a Jewish state in the land then known as Palestine). [RHODES, R., 1988, p. 88-91]
     With the rise of European political movements against the Jews in the late nineteenth century, Albert Lindemann notes that "a European-wide body of opinion, cutting across class lines, focused on what was perceived as Jewish ruthlessness and immorality in search of profit. It was often asserted, and much discussed in the press, that the brutal Boer War (in South Africa, 1899-1902) was manipulated to benefit wealthy Jews. The repression of an uprising in 1907, in the course of which thousands of starving and desperate Romanian peasants were slaughtered, was widely described as protecting Jewish interests.... Involvement of Jews in these matters was not only plausible but real enough." [LINDEMANN, p. 32-33] "[Jews] were a crucial element in the development of South Africa during the final quarter of the nineteenth century and a considerable proportion of the 'Uitlanders,' whose restiveness undere Boer rule was to lead to the South African war, were Jews. Among them was ... Barney Barnato ... [who] built up one of the largest fortunes in South Africa and controlled a labour force of one hundred and twenty thousand men." [BERMNANT, C., 1977, p. 54]
     In Germany, says Sarah Gordon, there was "the popular belief that Jews had been highly active as war profiteers between 1914 and 1918 [World War I], and that they had promoted or gained from postwar inflation by questionable activities as financiers and middlemen. Anti-Semites eagerly compiled statistics on Jewish criminal activity, both real and bogus, to buttress their arguments." [GORDON, p. 53]   "The most repulsive of men," remarked the well-known German Jewish philosopher (and Zionist) Martin Buber, "is the oily war profiteer, who does not cheat any God, for he knows none. And the Jewish profiteer is more repugnant than the non-Jewish for he has fallen lower." [MENDES-FLOHR, BUBER, p. 141]
     Jewish international economic power toward expressly Jewish political ends in a war could even be asserted in Asia. At the turn of the twentieth century, American Jews who were concerned about a perceived Russian mistreatment of its Jewish citizens included Jacob Schiff, a senior partner in the American banking firm of Kuhn, Loeb, and Co. He believed that "the only hope for Russian Jews seemed to lay in the possibility that the Russo-Japanese War would lead to upheaval in Russia and constitutional government there." [BEST, G., 1972, p. 315] Toward this end, Schiff helped Japan raise $180 million, nearly one-fourth of the total Japanese expenditure in its war with Russia.  Schiff, the wealthy capitalist, even funded socialist indoctrination programs for Russian prisoners of war by the Japanese, in the hope that this might aid in the Tsar's downfall. [LINDEMANN, p. 170] The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia claims that "in his later years [Schiff] recognized that he had innocently aided in the creation of a menace in the shape of Japanese imperialism." [UJE, v. 9, p. 400]
      At the same time, since 1890, Jewish-American financiers -- led by Jacob Schiff, Isaac Seligman, and Adolph Lewisohn -- had vigorously lobbied the powerful international Jewish banking community as a collective entity to reject Russia's own searches for loans. Ultimately defeated by Japan and suffering great indemnity demands, Tsarist Russia faced a largely successful international economic lockout by Jewish money lenders (the Russian government ultimately collapsed to the communist revolution, a situation international Jewry hoped to be better for Russian Jews). "A great nation," reported the Jewish Chronicle with satisfaction about the teetering Tsarist state, "was now going from one Jewish banker to the other, vainly appealing for financial help." [ARONSFELD, p. 103]
      Simon Wolf, Chairman of the Board of Delegates of the United American Hebrew Congregation, wrote that
     "Russia at this juncture needs two important elements to inspire its future
      prosperity and happiness: money and friends ... The Jews of the world
      control much of the first ... There is no disguising the fact that in the
      United States especially the Jews form an important factor in the
      formation of public opinion and in the control of the finances...”
      [ARONSFELD, p. 100]
      The following ultimatum to the huge country of Russia, and a threat to those who broke Jewish ranks to do business with it, was announced by a group of Jewish American businessmen wielding their own foreign policy, self-described as the "Hebrew alliance:"
       "First, until equal civil and religious rights are given the Jews of Russia,
        no money will be loaned the Russian government by any American
        Second, the Rothschilds [the worlds greatest and far-reaching banking
        firm, based in Europe] are united with the American Jewish bankers in
        this agreement and will use all their enormous prestige and power to
        assist in carrying out the threat.
        Third, no financial concern will be allowed to loan Russia money, under
         pain of the displeasure and financial punishment that such a
         combination of resources of the Hebrew alliance could so readily
         dispense." [ARONSFELD, p. 100]
      Jewish economic collusion against Russia, notes Edwin Black, "was widely criticized for the stubborn continuation of their boycott even as it threatened the Allies' [World War I] war effort. But the boycott remained in effect until the monarchy was toppled in 1917." [BLACK, p. 31] Even within Russia itself, a Jewish "adventurous millionaire," Parvus (aka Israel Lazarevitch Gelfand, or also anglicized as Helphand), was a sponsor of V. I. Lenin. [SINGER, N., p. 2]  In this historical context -- the "conspiracy" of international Jewish financiers unifying to bring Tsarist Russia to collapse -- the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia notes that "the canard of the Jewish conspiracy to attain political world domination originated at the time when the Tsarist regime was threatened with revolution." [UJE, v. 3, p. 1]

As prime minister of the greatest imperialist country of the nineteenth century, Disraeli had connections with international Jewry and its enormous economic means. "Disraeli's purchase of the Suez Canal in 1878," says Benjamin Ginsberg, "was made possible by Henry Oppenheim's extensive contacts in Egypt and a four million pound loan from Lionel Rothschild." [GOLDBERG, B., 1993, p. 24] Chaim Bermant recounts the well-known story about this transaction:

     "In 1875, when Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli heard that a large packet of shares,
     which would have given Britain control of the Suez Canal, were on offer, there
     was only one person to whom he could turn for ready cash: Baron Lionel de
     Rothschild. His secretary, Cory, was quickly sent round to the bank and ushered
     into the presence of the Baron. How much money was needed? he was asked.
     Four million pounds. When? Tomorrow. The Baron, fingering a muscatel grape,
     popped it into his mouth and spat out the skin. 'What is your security?' 'The
     'British government.' 'You shall have it.'" [BERMANT, C., 1977, p. 40]

     The implications of such international Jewish dealings were not lost to critics of the time.
     The British scholar, Goldwin Smith, ("a respected historian and educational reformer") [PILZER, J., 1981, p. 10] wrote against Britain's imperialist policies, arguing that the Disraeli government's foreign policy benefited Jewish, and not British, interests. [GOLDBERG, p. 24] Smith argued that "the Jew alone regards his race as superior to humanity, and looks forward not to it ultimate union with other races, but to its triumph over them all, and to its final ascendancy under the leadership of a tribal Messiah." [SMITH, G., 1881/1981, p. 10] The British writer J. A. Hobson, in his classic work, Imperialism:  A Study, declared that Jews formed "the central ganglion of international capitalism." [GINSBERG, B., 1993, p. 24] "United by the strongest bonds of organization," he wrote, "always in closest and quickest touch with one another, situated in the heart of the business capital of every state, controlled, so far as Europe is concerned, chiefly by men of a single and peculiar race, who have behind them many centuries of financial expertise, they are in a unique position to manipulate the policy of nations." [HOBSON, p. 56-57] Hobson's book, described by one author as "the single most influential tract ever written on imperialism"  [SMITH, p. 395] even gained high praise from the leader of the Russian Bolshevik revolution, V.I. Lenin.
         Nor were the implications of such criticisms lost to Disraeli himself. In fact, "[Disraeli] produced the entire set of theories about Jewish influence and organization that we usually find in the more vicious forms of anti-Semitism." [ARENDT, p. 71] Such a "vicious form" is best epitomized in the infamous Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a document produced by the Russian tzarist government during their unsuccessful attempts to secure loans from international Jewish financiers at the turn of the century (most of them colluded against Russia). The Protocols proved to be false (it was essentially excerpted from an obscure novel) but has nonetheless become the most famous anti-Jewish document of all time, and is still afforded occasional currency by anti-Jewish groups and individuals today. The Protocols basically details an alleged Jewish plot to control the world and subjugate its non-Jewish populations.
     Who knows if Disraeli would have dismissed the Protocols? His own fascination with the prospect of world domination by a wealthy transnational Jewish cabal was very real. This fascination was not that of an obscure London rag picker or street sweeper. It was from the perspective of a member of Parliament and the eventual Prime Minister of Great Britain, the most powerful imperialist nation on earth in his time; and it was dreamed by a man who spent his political life among people, including many Jewish financiers, of momentous influence.  "To the very end of his life," notes Howard Sachar, "Disraeli held fast to the credo of [Jewish] racial aristocracy. Whenever he engaged in conversation with the Rothschilds, he harped on the theme to the point of monotony." [SACHAR, p. 157-158]
     The idea of Jewish innate superiority and an economic interest in dominating earth were expressed in some of the novels Disraeli himself authored. His first novel was called Alroy (1833) and its title was taken from a historical figure, a messianic Jew in Iran in the twelfth century, David Alrui, who appealed to his fellow Jews to take up arms against the non-Jews around them. "In... Alroy," notes Hannah Arendt,
     "Disraeli evolved a plan for a Jewish Empire in which Jews would
      rule as a strictly separated class ... In a new novel, Coningsby, he
      abandoned the dream of a Jewish Empire and unfolded a fantastic
      scheme according to which Jewish money dominates the rise and
      fall of courts and empires and rules supreme in diplomacy. Never
      in his life did he give up this second notion of a secret and mysterious
      influence of the chosen man of a chosen race, with which he replaced
      his earlier dream of an openly constituted mysterious ruler caste. It
      became the pivot of his political philosophy ... [ARENDT, p. 75] ...
      To Disraeli, it was a matter of course that Jewish wealth was only
      a means for Jewish politics. The more he learned about Jewish bankers'
      well-functioning organizations in business matters and their international
      exchange of news and information, the more convinced he was that he
      was dealing with something like a secret society which, without anybody
      knowing it, had the world's destiny in its hands." [ARENDT, p. 76]
     Disraeli even believed that Jews everywhere were uniformly desirous of "revenge" against Christians, using absolutely contrasting ideologies -- capitalism and communism -- to the same end through parallel "internationalism." "Men of Jewish race," he wrote, "are found at the head of every one of [the communist and socialist groups]. The people of God cooperate with atheists; the most skilled accumulators of property ally themselves with communists, the peculiar and chosen people touch the hands of the scum and low castes of Europe! And all this because they wish to destroy the ungrateful Christendum which owes them even its name and whose tyranny they can no longer endure." [ARENDT, p. 76]
     "In this singular delusion," says Arendt,
     "even the most ingenious of Hitler's publicity stunts, the cry of the
     alliance between the Jewish capitalist and the Jewish socialist was
     already anticipated. Nor can it be denied that the whole scheme,
     imaginary as it was, had a logic of its own. If one started, as Disraeli
     did, from the assumption that Jewish millionaires were makers of
     Jewish politics, if one took into account the insults Jews had suffered
     for centuries (which were real enough, but still stupidly exaggerated
     by Jewish apologetic propaganda), if one had seen the not infrequent
     instances when the son of a Jewish millionaire became a leader of the
     workers' movement and knew from experience how closely knit Jewish
     family ties were as a rule, Disraeli's image of a calculated revenge upon
     Christian people was not far fetched." [ARENDT, p. 72]
     Disraeli, suggests Albert Lindemann, "may have been, both as a writer and even more as a personal symbol, the most influential propagator of the concept of race in the nineteenth century, particularly publicizing the Jews' alleged taste for power, their sense of superiority, their mysteriousness, their clandestine international connections, and their arrogant pride in being a pure race." [LINDEMANN, p. 77]  As Stanley Weintraub notes, Disraeli "sees crypto-Jews managing affairs: professors, ambassadors, generals, councellors, and cabinet members." In Coningsby, Disraeli wrote that the world is "governed by very different personages from what is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes." [WEINTRAUB, S., 1993, p. 216] In real life, "within days of publication" of this book, Disraeli was invited to dinner with a Rothschild. [WEINTRAUB, S., 1993, p. 219]

 On one hand, Jews were increasingly perceived to have strangleholds on the German social, cultural and economic system. On the other, in the political field, Richard Rubenstein notes that
       "Marxism was seen by conservative Europe as Jewish in origin
       and leadership, a view that was reinforced in Germany by the
       three successive left wing regimes that succeeded the Bavarian
       royal house of Wittelsbach from November 7, 1918 to May 1,
       1919, at the end of World War I. In Munich, the city that did
       more than any other to give birth to [Hitler's] National Socialism,
       and in the era in which Hitler first joined the miniscule party, a
       series of politically naive, left-wing Jewish leaders attempted
       ineffectually to bring about an enduring socialist revolution
       in Catholic, conservative Bavaria." [RUBENSTEIN, p. 113]

     "As Robert Michel pointed out in his classic Political Parties," note Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter,

       "Jews at that time [late 1800s] were playing a key role in socialist
       parties in almost every European country in which they had
       settled in any numbers." [ROTHMAN/LICHTER, 1982, p. 84]

     In Germany, thse inlcuded Daniel deLeon, a Sephardic Jew who headed the Socialist Labor Party. DeLeon "attempted to conceal his Jewish background, pretending that he was descended from an aristocratic family of Catholic background." [ROTHMAN/LICHTER, 1982, p. 95]